During an appearance I made on MSNBC today in which the subject
started off being about Iraq and then moved to Afghanistan,
anchor David Shuster asked me how I'd finance our continued
presence in the nations. I said that there was a long list of
government programs that I'd like to cut, and he found it rather
amusing that I required more than 10 seconds to explain. But just
for the record, here are a small sampling of the government
measures that I've opposed in recent years:
This does, however, bring up a broader point. Libertarians and
non-interventionist conservatives argue that a more costly
foreign policy abroad undermines the case for fiscal restraint at
home. This is a valid point that I think those who, like me,
favor a limited role for the government domestically have to
grapple with when arguing for military intervention. The way I
think about it is that there's a consistent argument to be made
that national security is one of the legitimate functions of
government because fighting a war is not something that
individuals can realistically do without a government. The most
honest way I can sum up my outlook is that while I believe it's a
proper role for the federal government to prevent thousands of
American civilians from getting killed while going about their
work day, I don't think that government's role is to pay for
everybody's health insurance. Ideally, I'd like to live in a
world in which we didn't need a military at all, or at least one
in which we only required a very limited military merely tasked
with defending our borders from foreign invasion. But while, for
non-interventionists, Sept. 11 proved that we shouldn't be
meddling in world affairs, for me it proved the opposite.
As much as I'd like for the United States to maintain a low
profile, I don't think that such a policy is realistic in a day
and age in which men plotting in caves in Afghanistan can send 19
extremists armed with box cutters to smash airplanes into
buildings and kill 3,000 civilians on U.S. soil. When it comes to
how to prevent terrorist attacks, the record shows that for
decades the frequency and severity of the terrorist threat grew
even as we viewed it as a manageable threat that did not require
a full military action. And I don't think that withdrawing troops
from around the world would satisfy Islamic extremists. So
conceptually speaking, I do support aggressive actions to deprive
those extremists of training grounds and to make sure that
weapons of mass destruction do not fall into the hands of
irrational actors who are enemies of the U.S. That has lead me,
in recent years, to support two objectively costly wars.
So where do the campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan fit into this
framework? While I continue to believe that the world is better
off without Saddam Hussein, in hindsight, I don't think the Iraq
War was worth it when you consider the full range of costs
associated with the war. That is, not only the actual cost in
blood and treasure, but the opportunity cost in terms of other
actions that are no longer feasible because of Iraq, most
prominently, our inability to do anything to thwart Iran's
nuclear ambitions. However, I also recognize that since we're
already in Iraq, that we should leave in as responsible a manner
as possible to make sure that there isn't a climate of violence
and civil war that creates a vacuum through which Al Qaeda or
other terrorist groups can build bases, not to mention the
destabilizing effects in the entire region. As far as
Afghanistan, there was a clear connection to Sept. 11, and I also
think it's important that we don't leave prematurely and turn
over the country to the Taliban.
In any event, this is a complicated set of arguments, which are
difficult to make in a short television segment, which you can
watch below:
I don't think the Iraq War was worth it when you consider the
full range of costs associated with the war. That is, not only
the actual cost in blood and treasure, but the opportunity cost
in terms of other actions that are no longer feasible because of
Iraq, most prominently, our inability to do anything to thwart
Iran's nuclear ambitions. However, I also recognize that since
we're already in Iraq, that we should leave in as responsible a
manner as possible to make sure that there isn't a climate of
violence and civil war that creates a vacuum through which Al
Qaeda or other terrorist groups can build bases, not to mention
the destabilizing effects in the entire region. As far as
Afghanistan, there was a clear connection to Sept. 11, and I also
think it's important that we don't leave prematurely and turn
over the country to the Taliban.
That's sums it up nicely.
I don't think it's possible to overestimate the confusion, and in
the end, discomfort with waging a war like Iraq. It did change
us, in my view. We can now credibly be called aggressors and
invaders. That's no small thing. I'm not sure a Nation is much
different than one life; take a really bad road and while you can
recover, retrace, you still can't undo the damage you've done and
the way home is long and arduous.
We do need to leave both Iraq and Afghanistan
responsibly. I want both Iraqis and Afghanis to look at our boys
with admiration and affection, if that's possible.
I’m waiting on forms to register as an Independent. I never
thought I would do that, but I am. I’d prefer to register as a
Libertarian because I could vote in primaries, but I don’t really
know what libertarianism is all about. It seems as fractured as
conservatism is or has at least come to be for me. Maybe in
future.
I don’t want to seem ungrateful to President Bush. What a lonely
path being CIC must be when so much is at stake. So a heartfelt
thank you to him and others too.
I appreciate the respectful treatment of conservative
non-interventionism. And I appreciate the admission that Iraq was
wrongheaded although not for the reason that it inhibits our
ability to act in Iran which is none of our business either.
"But while, for non-interventionists, Sept. 11 proved that we
shouldn't be meddling in world affairs, for me it proved the
opposite."
What I don't understand is how people think interventionism helps
us. How do you prevent terrorism at home by fighting far off
wars? Terrorism at home is manifestly an immigration problem, not
a lack of bombing people abroad problem. How many of the 9/11
terrorists were native born citizens?
Did you read Austin Bramwell’s article “Good-bye to All That?”
While I don’t agree with everything in the article, the first
half where he examines the reasoning behind default conservative
support of interventionism is devastating.
The tacit assumption is that this isn’t just about preventing
terrorism at home. It is about remaking the world in some way and
maintaining American global hegemony. As such, what is allegedly
being prevented is not just another attack on our shores but any
threat to American unipolarity. So Iran doesn’t have to represent
a direct threat to the US. They just represent a threat to the
current balance of power in the Middle East. So each action does
not have to directly address terrorism, but the whole is supposed
to be part of some grand project that makes the world safer. The
problem is that grand projects are not conservative. Grand
projects are liberal.
Robert Myers| 10.21.09 @ 12:53AM
Nice piece by Mr. Klein, but I think he knows too much about
economics to list every "bailout" package. While a number of the
"bailouts" he mentions were questionable, I think he knows some
of that bank bailout money saved us from a great deal of pain.
You can make the case that we should have experienced more pain,
but I'm not sure that's a platform that will appeal to American
voters.
It's pathetic. Hamsher denies that liberals argued that Iraq was
distracting from the war in Afghanistan. There must be many, many
youtube videos to put the lie to that whopper.
Robert Meyers, the bank bailout money did save us from pain, but
not from more pain. The bailouts converted an acute condition
into a chronic, degenerative one. Also, the bailouts were
anti-capitalist in spirit and effect. That's really bad.
S.L. Toddard| 10.21.09 @ 7:23AM
In 2004, Donald Rumsfeld directed the Defense Science Board Task
Force to review the impact which the administration's policies --
specifically the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan -- were having on
Terrorism and Islamic radicalism. They issued a report in
September, 2004 (.pdf) and it vigorously condemned the
Bush/Cheney approach as entirely counter-productive, i.e., as
worsening the Terrorist threat those policies purportedly sought
to reduce. It's well worth reviewing their analysis, as it has as
much resonance now as it did then (h/t sysprog).
The Task Force began by noting what are the "underlying sources
of threats to America's national security": namely, the "negative
attitudes" towards the U.S. in the Muslim world and "the
conditions that create them":
“Negative attitudes and the conditions that create them are the
underlying sources of threats to America's national security and
reduced ability to leverage diplomatic opportunities.”
And what most exacerbates anti-American sentiment, and therefore
the threat of Terrorism? "American direct intervention in the
Muslim world" -- through our "one sided support in favor of
Israel"; support for Islamic tyrannies in places like Egypt and
Saudi Arabia; and, most of all, "the American occupation of Iraq
and Afghanistan":
"American direct intervention in the Muslim World has ...
elevated the stature
of and support for radical Islamists, while diminishing support
for the United States to single-digits in some Arab societies.
• "Muslims do not 'hate our freedom,' but rather, they hate our
policies. The overwhelming majority voice their objections to
what they see as one-sided support in favor of Israel and against
Palestinian rights, and the ... support for ... tyrannies, most
notably Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Pakistan, and the Gulf
states.
• "Thus when American public diplomacy talks about bringing
democracy to Islamic societies, this is seen as no more than
self-serving hypocrisy. Moreover, saying that 'freedom is the
future of the Middle East' is seen as patronizing, suggesting
that Arabs are like the enslaved peoples of the old Communist
World — but Muslims do not feel this way: they feel oppressed,
but not enslaved.
• "Furthermore, in the eyes of Muslims, American occupation of
Afghanistan and Iraq has not led to democracy there, but only
more chaos and suffering. U.S. actions appear in contrast to be
motivated by ulterior motives, and deliberately controlled in
order to best serve American national interests at the expense of
truly Muslim self-determination."
Let's just repeat that: "Muslims do not 'hate our freedom,' but
rather, they hate our policies." And nothing fuels -- meaning:
helps -- the Islamic radicals' case against the U.S. more than
ongoing American occupation of Muslim countries:
“Therefore, the dramatic narrative since 9/11 has essentially
borne out the entire radical Islamist bill of particulars.
American actions and the flow of events have elevated the
authority of the Jihadi insurgents and tended to ratify their
legitimacy among Muslims. Fighting groups portray themselves as
the true defenders of an Ummah (the entire Muslim community)
invaded and under attack — to broad public support.”
For that reason, "a year and a half after going to war in Iraq,
Arab/Muslim anger [had] intensified" and the war had thus
"weakened support for the war on terrorism and undermined U.S.
credibility worldwide" (see. 14-15). Similarly, as of six months
into his presidency, Obama had vastly improved perceptions of the
U.S. among Western Europeans but -- as Der Spiegel put it -- he
"has actually made little progress in the regions where the US
faces its biggest foreign policy problems," particularly the
Muslim world (other than Indonesia, where Obama spent part of his
childhood, and Egypt, where Obama spoke).
We can't combat Terrorism by sending our military into Muslim
countries. Doing that only exacerbates the problem, since it
inevitably intensifies the anti-American sentiment that enables
and fuels the terrorist threat in the first place. All of that is
so basic. It's been empirically proven over and over during the
last decade. It's not Noam Chomsky or Al Jazeera pointing out
these basic truths, but instead, a 2004 Task Force handpicked by
Donald Rumsfeld's Pentagon to review and assess the Bush
administration's anti-terrorism efforts, principally the wars
they were waging in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Undoubtedly, there is some small faction of "Islamic radicals"
principally motivated by religious fervor which will likely hate
the West regardless of what it does, but -- as the 2004
Pentagon-commissioned Report found -- their most potent weapons
are American policies that inflame anti-American hatred in the
Muslim world, beginning with ongoing wars waged by the U.S.
military in Muslim countries. That's so self-evident it shouldn't
require a report to document it, but since it seems to, here's a
very credible report that does exactly that.
****
More from the great American patriot, stalwart Obama critic,
indefatigable champion of the American Constitution and tireless
defender of our Civil Liberties Glenn Greenwald:
"Libertarians and non-interventionist conservatives argue that a
more costly foreign policy abroad undermines the case for fiscal
restraint at home"
At issue is the glaring contradiction between advocating for
"small government" while demanding that same government rule
over, lead and police the world.
"I don't think that such a policy is realistic in a day and age
in which men plotting in caves in Afghanistan can send 19
extremists armed with box cutters to smash airplanes into
buildings and kill 3,000 civilians on U.S. soil."
This is nonsensical. It is the standard justification for liberal
interventionists because it so reliably induces and emotional
response in the reader rather than a rational, reasoned one. In
my post above, you'll find that Rumsfeld's Defense Science Board
Task Force concluded that the first reason men are "plotting in
caves in Afghanistan" in the first place is our intervention in
Muslim countries, our one-sided support of Israel, and our
propping-up oppressive tyrants. If you want to attack the root of
the problem, surely we should start there. But if one wants to
guard against the effects, clearly the best way to go about it is
to prevent terrorists entry into the United States. America can
not possibly hope to conquer the globe so thoroughly as to deny
terrorists any place on Earth to plot and plan. We have been in
Afghanistan for 8 years and still failed miserably to even
accomplish that there. What use is denying Afghanistan to
terrorists when any terrorist can waltz across our southern
border any time of day, any day of the year? What will conquering
Afghanistan accomplish that a well-guarded border-wall with
Mexico and suspending immigration from the Muslim world would
not?
Mary Louise| 10.20.09 @ 9:48PM
I don't think the Iraq War was worth it when you consider the full range of costs associated with the war. That is, not only the actual cost in blood and treasure, but the opportunity cost in terms of other actions that are no longer feasible because of Iraq, most prominently, our inability to do anything to thwart Iran's nuclear ambitions. However, I also recognize that since we're already in Iraq, that we should leave in as responsible a manner as possible to make sure that there isn't a climate of violence and civil war that creates a vacuum through which Al Qaeda or other terrorist groups can build bases, not to mention the destabilizing effects in the entire region. As far as Afghanistan, there was a clear connection to Sept. 11, and I also think it's important that we don't leave prematurely and turn over the country to the Taliban.
That's sums it up nicely.
I don't think it's possible to overestimate the confusion, and in the end, discomfort with waging a war like Iraq. It did change us, in my view. We can now credibly be called aggressors and invaders. That's no small thing. I'm not sure a Nation is much different than one life; take a really bad road and while you can recover, retrace, you still can't undo the damage you've done and the way home is long and arduous.
We do need to leave both Iraq and Afghanistan responsibly. I want both Iraqis and Afghanis to look at our boys with admiration and affection, if that's possible.
I’m waiting on forms to register as an Independent. I never thought I would do that, but I am. I’d prefer to register as a Libertarian because I could vote in primaries, but I don’t really know what libertarianism is all about. It seems as fractured as conservatism is or has at least come to be for me. Maybe in future.
I don’t want to seem ungrateful to President Bush. What a lonely path being CIC must be when so much is at stake. So a heartfelt thank you to him and others too.
Red Phillips| 10.20.09 @ 11:50PM
I appreciate the respectful treatment of conservative non-interventionism. And I appreciate the admission that Iraq was wrongheaded although not for the reason that it inhibits our ability to act in Iran which is none of our business either.
"But while, for non-interventionists, Sept. 11 proved that we shouldn't be meddling in world affairs, for me it proved the opposite."
What I don't understand is how people think interventionism helps us. How do you prevent terrorism at home by fighting far off wars? Terrorism at home is manifestly an immigration problem, not a lack of bombing people abroad problem. How many of the 9/11 terrorists were native born citizens?
Did you read Austin Bramwell’s article “Good-bye to All That?” While I don’t agree with everything in the article, the first half where he examines the reasoning behind default conservative support of interventionism is devastating.
http://www.amconmag.com/article/2006/nov/20/00008/
The tacit assumption is that this isn’t just about preventing terrorism at home. It is about remaking the world in some way and maintaining American global hegemony. As such, what is allegedly being prevented is not just another attack on our shores but any threat to American unipolarity. So Iran doesn’t have to represent a direct threat to the US. They just represent a threat to the current balance of power in the Middle East. So each action does not have to directly address terrorism, but the whole is supposed to be part of some grand project that makes the world safer. The problem is that grand projects are not conservative. Grand projects are liberal.
Robert Myers| 10.21.09 @ 12:53AM
Nice piece by Mr. Klein, but I think he knows too much about economics to list every "bailout" package. While a number of the "bailouts" he mentions were questionable, I think he knows some of that bank bailout money saved us from a great deal of pain. You can make the case that we should have experienced more pain, but I'm not sure that's a platform that will appeal to American voters.
Javelineer| 10.21.09 @ 1:06AM
It's pathetic. Hamsher denies that liberals argued that Iraq was distracting from the war in Afghanistan. There must be many, many youtube videos to put the lie to that whopper.
Robert Meyers, the bank bailout money did save us from pain, but not from more pain. The bailouts converted an acute condition into a chronic, degenerative one. Also, the bailouts were anti-capitalist in spirit and effect. That's really bad.
S.L. Toddard| 10.21.09 @ 7:23AM
In 2004, Donald Rumsfeld directed the Defense Science Board Task Force to review the impact which the administration's policies -- specifically the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan -- were having on Terrorism and Islamic radicalism. They issued a report in September, 2004 (.pdf) and it vigorously condemned the Bush/Cheney approach as entirely counter-productive, i.e., as worsening the Terrorist threat those policies purportedly sought to reduce. It's well worth reviewing their analysis, as it has as much resonance now as it did then (h/t sysprog).
The Task Force began by noting what are the "underlying sources of threats to America's national security": namely, the "negative attitudes" towards the U.S. in the Muslim world and "the conditions that create them":
“Negative attitudes and the conditions that create them are the underlying sources of threats to America's national security and reduced ability to leverage diplomatic opportunities.”
And what most exacerbates anti-American sentiment, and therefore the threat of Terrorism? "American direct intervention in the Muslim world" -- through our "one sided support in favor of Israel"; support for Islamic tyrannies in places like Egypt and Saudi Arabia; and, most of all, "the American occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan":
"American direct intervention in the Muslim World has ... elevated the stature
of and support for radical Islamists, while diminishing support for the United States to single-digits in some Arab societies.
• "Muslims do not 'hate our freedom,' but rather, they hate our policies. The overwhelming majority voice their objections to what they see as one-sided support in favor of Israel and against Palestinian rights, and the ... support for ... tyrannies, most notably Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Pakistan, and the Gulf states.
• "Thus when American public diplomacy talks about bringing democracy to Islamic societies, this is seen as no more than self-serving hypocrisy. Moreover, saying that 'freedom is the future of the Middle East' is seen as patronizing, suggesting that Arabs are like the enslaved peoples of the old Communist World — but Muslims do not feel this way: they feel oppressed, but not enslaved.
• "Furthermore, in the eyes of Muslims, American occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq has not led to democracy there, but only more chaos and suffering. U.S. actions appear in contrast to be motivated by ulterior motives, and deliberately controlled in order to best serve American national interests at the expense of truly Muslim self-determination."
Let's just repeat that: "Muslims do not 'hate our freedom,' but rather, they hate our policies." And nothing fuels -- meaning: helps -- the Islamic radicals' case against the U.S. more than ongoing American occupation of Muslim countries:
“Therefore, the dramatic narrative since 9/11 has essentially borne out the entire radical Islamist bill of particulars. American actions and the flow of events have elevated the authority of the Jihadi insurgents and tended to ratify their legitimacy among Muslims. Fighting groups portray themselves as the true defenders of an Ummah (the entire Muslim community) invaded and under attack — to broad public support.”
For that reason, "a year and a half after going to war in Iraq, Arab/Muslim anger [had] intensified" and the war had thus "weakened support for the war on terrorism and undermined U.S. credibility worldwide" (see. 14-15). Similarly, as of six months into his presidency, Obama had vastly improved perceptions of the U.S. among Western Europeans but -- as Der Spiegel put it -- he "has actually made little progress in the regions where the US faces its biggest foreign policy problems," particularly the Muslim world (other than Indonesia, where Obama spent part of his childhood, and Egypt, where Obama spoke).
We can't combat Terrorism by sending our military into Muslim countries. Doing that only exacerbates the problem, since it inevitably intensifies the anti-American sentiment that enables and fuels the terrorist threat in the first place. All of that is so basic. It's been empirically proven over and over during the last decade. It's not Noam Chomsky or Al Jazeera pointing out these basic truths, but instead, a 2004 Task Force handpicked by Donald Rumsfeld's Pentagon to review and assess the Bush administration's anti-terrorism efforts, principally the wars they were waging in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Undoubtedly, there is some small faction of "Islamic radicals" principally motivated by religious fervor which will likely hate the West regardless of what it does, but -- as the 2004 Pentagon-commissioned Report found -- their most potent weapons are American policies that inflame anti-American hatred in the Muslim world, beginning with ongoing wars waged by the U.S. military in Muslim countries. That's so self-evident it shouldn't require a report to document it, but since it seems to, here's a very credible report that does exactly that.
****
More from the great American patriot, stalwart Obama critic, indefatigable champion of the American Constitution and tireless defender of our Civil Liberties Glenn Greenwald:
http://www.salon.com/opinion/g.....index.html
S.L. Toddard| 10.21.09 @ 7:37AM
"Libertarians and non-interventionist conservatives argue that a more costly foreign policy abroad undermines the case for fiscal restraint at home"
At issue is the glaring contradiction between advocating for "small government" while demanding that same government rule over, lead and police the world.
"I don't think that such a policy is realistic in a day and age in which men plotting in caves in Afghanistan can send 19 extremists armed with box cutters to smash airplanes into buildings and kill 3,000 civilians on U.S. soil."
This is nonsensical. It is the standard justification for liberal interventionists because it so reliably induces and emotional response in the reader rather than a rational, reasoned one. In my post above, you'll find that Rumsfeld's Defense Science Board Task Force concluded that the first reason men are "plotting in caves in Afghanistan" in the first place is our intervention in Muslim countries, our one-sided support of Israel, and our propping-up oppressive tyrants. If you want to attack the root of the problem, surely we should start there. But if one wants to guard against the effects, clearly the best way to go about it is to prevent terrorists entry into the United States. America can not possibly hope to conquer the globe so thoroughly as to deny terrorists any place on Earth to plot and plan. We have been in Afghanistan for 8 years and still failed miserably to even accomplish that there. What use is denying Afghanistan to terrorists when any terrorist can waltz across our southern border any time of day, any day of the year? What will conquering Afghanistan accomplish that a well-guarded border-wall with Mexico and suspending immigration from the Muslim world would not?