Big Time China Whore Bailed Out Biden in Iowa | The American Spectator | USA News and Politics
Big Time China Whore Bailed Out Biden in Iowa
by
Joe Biden in Des Moines in 2019 (YouTube screenshot)

Hunter Biden’s business associates used the term “China Inc.” as a generic phrase to describe the Chinese system of enterprise that holds the door open for Americans with useful knowledge or influence. As is becoming more and more obvious, Hunter Biden was peddling influence.

If China Inc. has an all-time MVP, however, that award belongs to a man who came to China rich with knowledge and traded that knowledge for major dollars. In January 2020, that same man gave some of those dollars to a struggling Joe Biden. As the Politico headline phrased it, Bernard Schwartz was one of “the big donors bankrolling Biden onslaught in Iowa.”

American technical advice was making Chinese missile-rattling more than an empty threat. And yet in their relentless drive to raise money, the Clintons were fully prepared to broker that advice. 

Chairman of BLS Investments, the “Democratic megadonor” Schwartz made a six-figure donation to the super PAC Unite the Country. That PAC went on to spend $5 million just in Iowa. Its goal was to convince Democrats “skeptical of Biden’s weak fundraising in the presidential race” that Biden could win.

Although there is no obvious link between Hunter Biden and Schwartz, Schwartz had to see in the Bidens a continuation of the reckless and borderline treasonous legacy he helped establish during the Clinton presidency. In 1994, the ever-ambitious Schwartz, then chairman of Loral, shifted his area of interest from the defense industry to telecommunications, specifically a cellular satellite network. Not coincidentally, he was about to get interested in politics.

After the massacre of pro-democracy students in Tiananmen Square in 1989, Congress passed a law suspending the licensing of exports of certain items to China, including U.S.-origin commercial satellites for launch on Chinese vehicles.

To waive these suspensions, the president was obliged to report to Congress on a case-by-case basis that it was in the national interest to do so. By 1994, when Schwartz was seeking his own waivers, he had a good idea how to ease potential White House resistance.

In the early summer of 1994, Schwartz made a soft-money contribution to the DNC in the amount of $100,000. In two months, Commerce Secretary Ron Brown would be leading a major “presidential business development mission” to the People’s Republic, and Schwartz wanted to make damn sure he was on board. Once in China, Brown publicly praised Loral’s Globalstar cellular telephone system before an audience of Chinese telecommunications officials. Soon afterwards, Loral nabbed a $250 million cellular phone deal with the Ministry of Telecommunications.

Money talked. Before this election cycle was over Schwartz would officially donate more than $630,000 in soft money to the DNC, 50 times what he had given in the last presidential election. No Democrat gave more. In February 1996 Schwartz’s money mattered. The Clintons needed to feed the TV ad beast that resurrected their hope to regain the White House after a disastrous midterm election.

According to the New York Times, February 1996 represented a moment of keen impasse between warring forces within the Clinton administration. With his generous support, Schwartz surely was hoping to breach the enemy’s defenses.

The enemy in this case was his own Pentagon and intelligence community. Much to Schwartz’s frustration, they were standing firm on the question of commercial satellites. Given the vital technology contained therein, much of it secret, they had convinced Secretary of State Warren Christopher in October 1995 to keep the satellites on the so-called “munitions list,” an inventory of the nation’s most sensitive military and intelligence-gathering equipment.

Almost immediately, Deputy National Security Adviser Sandy Berger had begun plotting to undermine Christopher. A trade lawyer by profession, Berger had no real foreign policy experience before taking the job. According to the Times, critics described Berger as “the point man for the White House’s China policy.”

Still, despite Berger’s machinations, and the president’s obvious support, the serious professionals within State and Defense Departments were resisting the wholesale transfer of licensing authority for these satellites to the Commerce Department. Once moved to Commerce, the military feared it would lose veto power over exports.

On February 6, 1996, Chinese arms dealer turned satellite mogul Wang Jun came to Washington. It was an only-in-America kind of moment. Wang Jun, who had cut arms deals with Chinese allies in places like Libya, Iran, Serbia, Iraq, and Afghanistan, now found himself at a cordial private coffee with — of all people — the president of the United States.

Clinton pal Charlie Trie had greased the Wang Jun meeting with a $50,000 payment. To the president’s humble credit, as the Senate’s Thompson Committee would later report, he did admit that the meeting with the PLA arms dealer, Wang Jun, was “clearly inappropriate.”

The president did not apologize, however, for signing waivers for four more satellite launches by Chinese rockets on that same February day. The president approved these waivers despite reports the month before that China continued to export nuclear technology to Pakistan and missiles to Iran, the latter deal Wang Jun was suspected of brokering.

Just a week or so after Wang Jun’s excellent Washington adventure, a Chinese Long March 3B rocket carrying the Loral-built Intelsat 708 satellite crashed just after liftoff and killed or injured at least 60 people in a nearby village. This was the third Long March failure in the last three years involving U.S.-built satellite payloads.

The Pentagon welcomed the news. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the People’s Republic had emerged as America’s most serious potential enemy. American technical advice was making Chinese missile-rattling more than an empty threat. And yet in their relentless drive to raise money, the Clintons were fully prepared to broker that advice.

In March 1996, Berger managed to finesse a compromise that sent satellite control to the fatally corrupt Ron Brown at Commerce and cost the Pentagon its veto power. After reviewing thousands of pages of documents, the Times “found no indication that Mr. Christopher was personally involved in the president’s decision.”

In a likely show of contempt for both the president and of democracy in general, the People’s Republic of China celebrated the decision by lobbing a few ballistic missiles into Taiwanese waters during Taiwan’s March democratic elections.

Indifferent to the fate of Taiwan, and feeling confident about his relationship with the president, Schwartz up and dispatched a Loral-led review team to China to assess the February 1996 failure of the Long March 3B rocket and suggest refinements. The House Cox Committee would later describe Schwartz’s actions as “an unlicensed defense service for the PRC that resulted in the improvement of the reliability of the PRC’s military rockets and ballistic missiles.”

So serious was the offense that in 1998 the Criminal Division of the Justice Department launched an investigation. Incredibly, while the investigation was in process, Berger, now national security adviser, sent a memo to the president urging him to “waive the legislative restriction on the export to China of the communications satellites and related equipment for the Space Systems/Loral (SS/L) Chinasat 8 project.”

This waiver would present a huge problem for the prosecution. Berger admitted as much: “Justice believes that a jury would not convict once it learned that the president had found SS/L’s Chinasat 8 project to be in the national interest.” But Berger was not about to let that stop him: “We will take the firm position that this waiver does not exonerate or in any way prejudge SS/L with respect to its prior unauthorized transfers to China.” Berger was blowing smoke, and he knew it. A waiver would make prosecution all but impossible.

The president could only issue a waiver, however, if it served America’s “national interest.” Berger made an almost comically specious case that it did, arguing satellite technology would give remote Chinese villagers access “to people and ideas in democratic societies.” During these misbegotten years, one trembles at what the villagers might have learned about American democracy.

For its part, Loral had no greater cause than its own bottom line. “If a decision is not forthcoming in the next day or so, we stand to lose the contract,” Loral lobbyist Thomas Ross wrote Berger. “In fact, even if the decision is favorable, we will lose substantial amounts of money with each passing day.”

So much for the national interest. Ross then added the kicker, sure to win the president’s heart. “Bernard Schwartz had intended to raise this issue with you at the Blair dinner, but missed you in the crowd.” Schwartz knew he had a friend in the White House. The president approved the waiver, and the prosecution came to naught.

During his first term President Clinton faced strong resistance from the genuine liberals within the administration and at least token resistance from the media. In the margin of a December 1995 document, for example, senior adviser George Stephanopoulos scrawled a vulgar note strongly criticizing the president’s China policy. The Times did do a series of hard-hitting articles on China, albeit after Clinton’s reelection was secured.

That resistance has disappeared. If proof were needed, that same Stephanopoulos failed to question Joe Biden about the story dominating the news the day of ABC’s Town Hall — Hunter’s influence-peddling in Ukraine and China. Schwartz used to be an outlier among his fellow Democrats. Now he’s the norm. Now they are all China whores, and the media are their pimps.

Author of the 2004 Ron Brown’s Body, Jack Cashill is also author of the new book, Unmasking Obama: The Fight to Tell the True Story of a Failed Presidency, which is widely available. See also www.cashill.com.

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