The Things They Do for Love… of Power | The American Spectator | USA News and Politics
The Things They Do for Love… of Power
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In March 1981, Ricky Ray Rector went out with his friends to a nightclub in Arkansas. When one of his friends couldn’t afford the $3 cover charge, Ricky pulled out a gun. He killed one person and wounded two others.

He fled the scene. A few days later, Rector’s family persuaded Ricky to turn himself in to a cop that he knew since he was a kid. When the cop, Officer Robert Martin, arrived to his parent’s house to pick him up, Rector fatally shot him.

Rector then tried to kill himself, shooting himself in the head. He survived, but he was effectively lobotomized. In January 1992, Bill Clinton was in the fight of his life during the New Hampshire primary. Gennifer Flowers was hurting his campaign.

There were many factors that helped Bill Clinton become the “Comeback Kid” of New Hampshire primary. One of the keys to victory was flying to Arkansas on January 24, 1992 as he went to oversee the execution of a prisoner named Ricky Ray Rector.

Clinton knew that the death penalty and crime hurt the Dukakis campaign in 1988. In the debates, Bernie Shaw asked Michael Dukakis if his wife were raped and murdered would he support the death penalty for her killer.

Dukakis replied, “No, I don’t, Bernard, and I think you know that I’ve opposed the death penalty during all of my life. I don’t see any evidence that it’s a deterrent and I think there are better and more effective ways to deal with violent crime.”

This answer ended any chance Dukakis had of winning the campaign. At the time, crime was one of the biggest problems our country faced, and Dukakis appeared out of touch. Most men don’t have such a technocratic and ideological answer to a question about a hypothetical question about their wives being raped and murdered.

Dukakis also lost because of Willie Horton. In 1974, Horton, and two others, robbed a 17-year-old gas station attendant named Joseph Fournier. After he gave them the money, they proceeded to stab him 19 times. Fournier died from slowly bleeding to death.

In June 1986, Horton was released on a weekend furlough plan. He didn’t return. By April 1987, Horton found his way to Maryland where he raped a woman and stabbed her fiancé.

Many people thought that these crimes were completely preventable. In 1976, Massachusetts passed a law to prevent first-degree murderers from being eligible for weekend furloughs. Governor Dukakis vetoed that bill. If he hadn’t vetoed that law, that woman would never have been raped.

Bill Clinton told people he felt their economic pain. He also understood the Democrats couldn’t win moderate voters if they were soft on crime.

This was the context of how the execution of Ricky Ray Rector helped Bill Clinton in 1992. Although Bill Clinton was against the death penalty, he changed his mind by the 1992 campaign.

George Stephanopoulos wrote in his memoir All Too Human: A Political Education, “To Clinton’s critics, the switch was pure expedience, especially in Rector’s case. What better way to change the subject from personal scandal, what better way to signal that you’re not a stereotypical Democrat, than to execute a man, a black man — a man so uncomprehending that he set aside the pie from his final meal for ‘later’?”

If Rector could understand that this was his final meal, he wouldn’t have set aside the pie for “later.” If Clinton spared Rector’s life, Stephanopoulos wrote, “I would have been proud, but the devil on my shoulder would have whispered that we were handing the Republicans a huge issue.”

When the Democrats attack Trump for making fun of a disabled reporter, they tend to leave out the fact that Clinton killed a black man, who was mentally disabled and unfit for trial, all for political expediency.

There is nothing the Clintons won’t do for power. As Wikileaks show, Paul Begala did a survey to help Clinton to see if President Obama’s Muslim heritage (his father is a Muslim and he grew up in Indonesia), as well as his cocaine use, would hurt him with voters.

While Begala claims this was just for a PAC, this is a lie. At 4:08 p.m. on January 8, 2008, Begala wrote in an email to John Podesta, among others supporting Hillary Clinton in the primary, how voters might respond to certain “negative facts” about Obama. If he wasn’t supporting Clinton, why didn’t Paul send this information to the Obama campaign as well?

As late as February 5, 1992, Clinton was leading in New Hampshire despite the Gennifer story, according to Stephanopoulos’ book. That is until there was proof he was a draft dodger. According to George Stephanopoulos, Hillary said, “Bill, this is you! I can hear you saying this.”

Begala confirms this story. After Bill Clinton thanked Colonel Eugene Holmes for “saving me from the draft,” Begala was quoted in the New York Times saying his knees buckled. He then confirms Stephanopoulos’ account, saying he saw Hillary say, “This letter is you, Bill. It’s all you.”

Hillary is not innocent in these scandals. She played a crucial role in damage control efforts. She didn’t advise against the execution of Rector. She silenced women whom her husband assaulted. The Clintons engaged in pay-for-play with their foundation. Hillary used a private server and was “extremely careless” with classified intelligence, among other things.

Stephanopoulos concludes his book at Clinton’s 1999 State of the Union speech. He wrote, “Now I watched from far away, enjoying the show but wondering too. Wondering what might have been — if only this good president had been a better man.”

When his memoir was published, Stephanopoulos wrote about his book in the New York Times, “As I wrote and rewrote, I came to see how Clinton’s shamelessness is a key to his political success, how his capacity for denial is tied to the optimism that is his greatest political strength.” It would seem the Clintons aren’t the only liberals who’ve learned to live with shamelessness and deep denial.

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