The G20 Summit held in New Delhi on Sept. 9 and 10 was, from the perspective and needs of the West, a lot of sound and light signifying not very much. Some Western observers might call it a super-sized nothing burger for them. But one thing is clear: The G20 is a talking forum without any executive powers, unable to prioritize anything — and it has tilted toward the Global South, which comprises developing countries.
The G20 Leaders’ Declaration was festooned with a mindboggling array of commitments in an assemblage of fields such as climate, public health, sustainable and inclusive growth, technological transformation, taxation, digital ecosystems, food and energy security, gender equality, reformed international finance, enhanced multilateralism, micro-small and medium-sized industries, the future of work, foreign direct investment and fair trade, peace and security, and illicit trafficking — to name some items on the agenda. (READ MORE: India Landed on the Moon. Wait, What?)
Similarly, the list of documents appended to the declaration might take a supercomputer to unpack and construe. The declaration is a prime example of virtue signaling without any sense whatsoever of focus and ranking of commitments — or, for that matter, exactly who is responsible for what, what actions shall ensue, and the means of their measurement. In this way, it should be a case study at the business, policy, and international relations schools of how not to write a strategic document. The verbose declaration, in short, makes the G20 look like a giant dog with no teeth.
Nonetheless, two matters of interest and concern arose from the summit. First, there was language directed at Ukraine that did not mention or condemn Russia by name and simply called upon nations to act in accordance with principles of the United Nations — and not to use force, unlike the G20 Bali Declaration of last year that condemned Russia. Second, the African Union of 55 nations was added to G20 membership. This adds clout on the part of the Global South, many members of which are beholden to China for trade and investment as part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. As reported this year by the House Foreign Affairs Committee, China is now Africa’s largest trading partner with over $200 billion of trade per year, and it has invested extensively in military and infrastructure on the continent.
Although they were not present, President Vladimir Putin of Russia and President Xi Jinping of China benefited in absentia — and some Indian media have proclaimed these individuals the big winners. Clearly, New Delhi was careful not to offend its leading oil and arms supplier, nor to incite an increasingly belligerent China, with which it shares a 2,100-mile disputed border.
Obviously a major winner was Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who was able to display India as the world’s fifth-largest economy with GDP (nominal) of $3.7 trillion, also projected by U.S. investment bank Morgan Stanley to be the world’s third-largest economy by 2027, with the world’s third-largest stock exchange by market capitalization by 2030. Modi, elected in 2014, may certainly use India’s economic ascent in preparation for general elections in April and May of 2024, to secure his position as a statesman and global force. The summit’s declaration, unfocused as it is, still offers a platform of moral authority.
This year’s G20 Summit should be seen as an affirmation of the interests of the Global South. We should expect more of this, since Brazil and South Africa, respectively, are expected to host the G20 during the next two years. Both those countries have maintained neutrality on the Ukraine war.
After the 2024 summit, those drafting a declaration should remember that verbosity is the hobgoblin of strategic focus.
Frank Schell is a business strategy consultant and former senior vice president of the First National Bank of Chicago. He was a lecturer at the Harris School of Public Policy, University of Chicago and is a contributor of opinion pieces to various journals.
