Democrats dusted off their favorite argument, next to it’s for the children, in their do what we want or people die approach to the most discussed transition since Christine Jorgensen’s.
“More people may die if we don’t coordinate,” Joe Biden said in Wilmington on Monday of the rocky transfer of power between the Trump administration and his incoming administration. Demonstrating the popularity of coordination among Democrats, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer told reporters on Capitol Hill that same day that the Trump administration “not coordinating with the Biden folks endangers lives.”
No comment exists from New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, threatening to delay the coronavirus vaccine through lawsuits and the empanelment of Empire State scientists to second-guess those at the Food and Drug Administration, on what actually risks lives.
Harvard historian James Kloppenberg, who presumably teaches about neither Bush v. Gore nor 1877’s Corrupt Bargain, explained in the New York Times: “Trump’s refusal to acknowledge defeat is unprecedented.”
The penchant of Trump’s enemies for calling the precedented unprecedented finds precedent. One need not go back 20 or 143 years ago to unearth an example of a presidential candidate seeking to overturn a ballot count. Something truly unprecedented occurred just four years ago, and Joe Biden played a supporting role in it.
The Obama administration’s transition to the Trump administration involved the former spying on the latter, conducting surveillance upon several former Trump campaign figures, and scheming to legally entrap the incoming national security adviser.
The Obama administration continued to rely on the Steele Dossier, so discredited that the FBI ended a formal relationship with Christopher Steele before Election Day, to renew Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act warrants after Election Day while revealing to the courts neither Steele’s payment for his efforts coming from the Democratic National Committee and the Clinton campaign nor the fact that Steele broke his word to refrain from talking to the media because of anger over the FBI investigation into the Democratic nominee’s emails possibly damaging her campaign.
During a January 5, 2017, meeting in the Oval Office, Joe Biden raised the idea of the Logan Act to go after Michael Flynn. As late as January 12, 2017, Biden requested the unmasking of Flynn, overheard on surveillance, speaking, as incoming national security advisers do, with a foreigner despite the law directing the shielding of the identities of Americans picked up by spying on foreign countries if indeed the purpose of the administration’s spying focused on enemies foreign and not domestic.
Hillary Clinton received news of her defeat in 2016 less stoically than Donald Trump did in 2020. American Spectator editor R. Emmett Tyrrell Jr. reported in 2016 that “she began yelling, screaming obscenities, and pounding furniture. She picked up objects and threw them at attendants and staff. She was in an uncontrollable rage.” Her state dictated that she remain cloistered until the next day, when she appeared partly in purple to convey not her rage but a blue-and-red, come-together-America mixture.
The purple told a lie.
Initially, the Democratic Party ostensibly did not challenge the results. Their proxies did (the Green Party got knocked off the ballot in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania in 2020 in thanks). In late November, the Clinton campaign’s lawyers announced joining the legal challenge.
“Because we had not uncovered any actionable evidence of hacking or outside attempts to alter the voting technology, we had not planned to exercise this option ourselves,” Marc Erik Elias (remember that name), the campaign’s general counsel, explained on November 26 in an about-face, “but now that a recount has been initiated in Wisconsin, we intend to participate in order to ensure the process proceeds in a manner that is fair to all sides.”
All of this sore-loserism continued more than a week into December. By the time the Electoral College met, Elias’s legal challenge to the election yielded to an earlier project launched by Elias, a partner at Perkins, Coie. Elias had earlier, according to the Washington Post and so many others, funneled money from the Clinton campaign and the Democratic National Committee through his law firm to Fusion GPS to fund the so-called Steele Dossier, opposition research that the Democrats wanted to present as foreign intelligence untainted by the touch of partisans (an incurious media, and docile judges, cooperated). This desire explains the mafia-like money laundering employed to avoid Federal Election Commission transparency. It led to the Robert Mueller investigation and the widely believed slander that Donald Trump colluded with the Kremlin to win the White House. Both dogged his presidency and made him less effective than otherwise. Now, Elias’s efforts — to make voting so easy that even a neighbor can it do for you — again place him at the scene of an unnecessary national conflagration with matches in hand.
All available evidence points to Joe Biden legitimately winning the 2020 presidential election. All available karma rushes him at 100 miles an hour.
