By Ilan Berman on 6.22.09 @ 6:09AM
Any analysis must acknowledge that revolutions, properly
understood, are notoriously hard to predict.
These are hopeful and perilous times in Tehran. Ever since the
blatant fraud of Iran's June 12th presidential election, popular
opposition to that country's ruling clerical order has been on
the rise, leading more and more observers to wonder whether Iran
could really be on the cusp of another revolution.
Maybe so. But any analysis of the current situation in Iran must
begin with the acknowledgement that revolutions, properly
understood, are notoriously hard to predict. Almost no one in the
West accurately forecast the single largest totalitarian collapse
in modern history, the fall of the Soviet Union, despite a
plethora of Kremlinologists who made it their stock-in-trade to
understand the levers of Soviet power. Still, as great thinkers
like Hannah Arendt and Eric Hoffer have detailed, there are at
least two variables that are useful for gauging the strength and
viability of a revolutionary movement over time.
The first is leadership. Ideological movements need charismatic
personalities capable of harnessing popular discontent and
channeling it in a coherent direction. Three decades ago, Iran's
Shah was swept from power by just such a leader, the Ayatollah
Ruhollah Khomeini, whose fiery sermons and radical ideas about
Islamic government ignited the imagination of dissatisfied
Iranians.
Today, things are very different. The mass protests visible on
Iran's streets are certainly emotional and evocative, but for the
moment they remain chaotic and unfocused. The Iranians
participating in them are doing so as individuals, driven by
justifiable personal outrage over a stolen election and regime
repression, rather than as a collective animated by a coherent
political vision. Mir Hossein Mousavi, the soft-spoken
"reformist" presidential challenger at the center of the current
controversy, has proven to be little help on that score. In his
speeches and pronouncements, Mousavi has made clear that his goal
is not an abandonment of Khomeini's Islamic Revolution, but what
amounts simply to a cosmetic reform of it. More authentic
opposition leaders, meanwhile, are notably absent -- a casualty
of the West's preoccupation with Iran's nuclear pursuit in recent
years, which has allowed the regime to systematically eliminate
potential opponents unnoticed and unhindered.
The second variable has to do with the use of force. In
authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, the guys with the guns
matter a great deal. When those forces remain loyal to their
government in the face of public unrest, as they did in China in
1989, the results are often brutal. When they do not -- like, for
example, in the case of Ceausescu in Romania -- the regime in
power invariably totters and falls.
So it is with the Islamic Republic. Since taking power in 1979,
Iran's ayatollahs have put a premium on the use of force as an
instrument of domestic politics and foreign policy. Their weapons
of choice are the feared Revolutionary Guard and its domestic
derivative, the Basij, which cumulatively serve as the enforcers
of clerical doctrine. And so far, neither organ shows much sign
of parting ideological ways with their longtime leaders, nor do
its members give any indication of having second thoughts about
turning their weapons on their own countrymen. Until they do, the
possibility of a repeat in Tehran of China's bloody Tiananmen
Square massacre remains real.
Iran's clerical leaders have said as much. "It must be determined
at the ballot box what the people want and what they don't want,
not in the streets," Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei warned on
Friday. "I call on all to put an end to this method.... If they
don't, they will be held responsible for the chaos and the
consequences." The regime's brutal crackdown on protesters over
the weekend, and the specter of worse yet to come, has made clear
that he is a man of his word.
It is still to early to tell if the revolutionary stirrings
visible on Iran's streets will wither on the vine. What is
already clear, however, is that a struggle is underway for Iran's
soul. It will be determined by the coherence and organization of
Iran's political opposition -- and by the ruthlessness of the
regime that it is confronting.
topics:
Iran, Revolutionary Moments