The Wall Street Journal editorial page
suggests that the Republican victories in the Nevada and New
York special elections show that Democrats’ attacks on the Paul
Ryan Medicare reform plan may not be as powerful a tool as the Dems
had thought:
Mr. Amodei [the GOP candidate in the House special election in
Nevada] showed that Republicans can withstand these entitlement
attacks if they fight back in a tenacious, honest and reassuring
fashion. The former Silver State legislator put his mother on the
air to talk about reforming Medicare, not ending it. He also went
on offense against Mrs. Marshall by tying her to ObamaCare and the
President’s economic policies, a particular concern in Nevada where
joblessness is the highest in the nation at 12.9%.
The result: The Republican won in a rout, 58% to 36%, and the
Democrat did poorly around usually competitive Reno.
Mediscare also failed to save Democrats in the ninth district of
New York, which until recently was represented by Anthony Weiner of
Twitter fame. Registered voters tilt toward Democrats three to one
in the seat, which has been held by Democrats since 1923, and Mr.
Obama won by 11 points with 55% of the vote. Yet Republican Bob
Turner-a retired television executive who lost to Mr. Weiner in
2008 by 20 points-carried the district this time, 54% to 46%.
Yes, Democratic assemblyman David Weprin was a lousy
candidate-though he was hand-picked by the party machine-and, yes,
opposition to the Obama Administration’s Israel policy probably
played a role in this heavily Jewish district. Mr. Turner also
distanced himself from what he called Medicare “privatization,” but
Mr. Weprin relentlessly attacked him for it anyway.
Avik Roy
argues that the reason Amodei was successful in defending
himself from the Mediscare attacks was that he pointed out that the
Democrats also have a plan to cut Medicare:
What’s new about the Medicare debate in 2011 is
that both sides have
plans to trimMedicare spending. Obamacare does it by cutting
payments to doctors and hospitals, and by transferring power to
government technocrats. The Ryan plan does it by giving seniors
more control over their own health spending.
This, then, is the choice facing American voters: whether to
accept the stealth rationing of today, in which doctors can no
longer afford to see Medicare patients; the overt rationing of
Obamacare’s acolytes, in which 15 individuals will decide the fates
of one-sixth to one-fifth of the American population; or a
Ryan-like system where individual retirees choose the plans and
benefits that best fit their needs. Each of these systems purports
to reduce Medicare spending: the question is who gets to make the
decisions.
Amodei’s victory suggests that voters respond well to this
approach.