Years ago, the late great Irving Kristol told me and a group of
young college students that his wife, the renowned historian
Gertrude Himmelfarb, didn’t let him write about “gay rights” and
homosexuality.
After wading into the all-too-emotional
debate over “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” I can understand why: Because
this is a difficult and complex issue that is all too easily
caricatured and distorted, and by the extremes on both sides of the
debate. This debate, though, can no longer be sidestepped or
avoided.
My position is really a reasonable and
moderate position. It acknowledges and accepts that there are gay
men and women who want to serve in the military. However, it also
recognizes that homosexuality is a problematical behavioral
characteristic that shapes and affects human behavior, and often in
profound and unsettling ways.
Yet we can see in Aaron Goldstein’s
engagement on this issue — for which I again thank him — that,
for many people, that simply isn’t enough. They demand a positive
societal affirmation of homosexuality. Anything less, they cry,
smacks of bigotry and “intolerance.”
The problem with this position, as
I’ve tried to explain, is that homosexuality
is not a simple, innocent or benign
characteristic. In fact, truth be told, homosexuality is often a
very unhealthy and destructive behavioral trait. And it is
something that, for some people at least, can be altered or
changed.
Are some people born lesbians and
homosexuals? Undoubtedly, or so it would seem. But is everyone born
genetically gay? Absolutely not. Psychology and societal pressures,
it seems, have something to do with whether some people at least
exhibit homosexual behavior.
Thus, the question is: how do we as a
society show tolerance and acceptance for gay men and women without
legitimizing a behavioral characteristic that we know is far from
ideal? How do we include lesbians and homosexuals in our societal
family without putting homosexuality on a par, legally and
socially, with heterosexuality?
And how do we do this without
infringing upon the religious liberty of millions of Americans?
Because, as I’ve indicated here at the American
Spectator, every major religious tradition in the world —
Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, et al. — has
moral proscriptions against homosexual behavior.
So that’s really what the debate over
“gay rights,” “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” and “gay marriage” is all
about: trying to be tolerant and inclusive without legitimizing a
behavioral characteristic that we all know is problematical and
morally objectionable.
To thread this needle, moderates and
conservatives have tried to come up with reasonable compromise
measures such as “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” and “civil
unions.”
But alas, I am afraid that this is not
enough for the “gay rights” activists, who demand nothing less than
the full societal legitimization of homosexuality. Socially and
legally, they insist, homosexuality must be no different from
heterosexuality.
Conservatives such as myself cannot
accept this because we know that this is not true; and that such a
formulation will prove disastrous for millions of people, families
and children.
I won’t belabor my disagreement with
Goldstein, except to briefly clarify the following points, which
Goldstein has, in my view, seriously distorted:
First, I mentioned coed
public high schools simply to reference the sexual and group
dynamics between men and women which a coed military now has to
deal with.
Students’ attitudes toward
homosexuality are neither here nor there. Goldstein keeps trying to
bring the issue back to how people “feel” about homosexuality; but
“feelings” are, as I’ve explained repeatedly, completely
irrelevant.
The point is that just as sexual
dynamics create problems for public coed high schools, so, too, do
they create problems for the U.S. military. And the introduction of
open homosexuality within the ranks will only exacerbate this
problem.
Second, I obviously am
interested in “hard empirical evidence.” But again, because
people’s “feelings” about homosexuality are irrelevant in the
debate over “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” (and “gay rights” more
generally), I am not interested in the sort of hard empirical
evidence that Goldstein seems to think is decisive and
conclusive.
The sort of evidence that I think is
relevant involves how homosexuality affects human behavior and
group dynamics, especially within small-scale military units.
Goldstein ignores this evidence because it is inconvenient and
unhelpful to his cause.
Third, I never said that
because DADT has been repealed, “the sky is going to fall.” I
agree, in fact, that the change will occur rather swiftly and
without many problems or incidents — or at least without many
problems or incidents that are ever known or seen by the
public.
The cost, though, will be very real.
It will manifest itself through the softening and undermining of
the military’s warrior culture, which has made the Marines and the
combat arms attractive to young men.
It will mean the denial of religious
liberty for our military chaplains and military personnel. It will
result in homosexual hazing and harassment incidents. And it will
mean offending the moral and aesthetic sensibilities of military
families where they live and raise children.
Fourth, Goldstein tries,
again, to equate religiously-informed objections to homosexuality
with racist attitudes and behavior. This because some racists
segregationists apparently tried to justify segregation on Biblical
grounds.
But there is an obvious difference
between trying to pervert the Bible to justify racism — a position
that no serious Biblical scholar supports — and citing Biblical
injunctions against homosexuality.
Biblical support for racism is
specious, unreal and unserious. Biblical and natural law
injunctions against homosexuality, by contrast, are long-standing,
well established and well accepted by religious scholars and
historians.
Fifth (and
finally), Goldstein issues a tautology
when he says that if I genuinely believe some gays and lesbians are
fine soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines, then I should have no
objections to permitting them to serve openly in our armed
forces.
Again, this seems self-evident to
Goldstein, but it’s not. And the reason is twofold:
First, he discounts and ignores
completely how sexual dynamics can wreak havoc within small-scale
military units. Indeed, Goldstein seems to think that soldiers,
sailors, airmen and Marines are robotic, Vulcan-like creatures who
are devoid of emotion and sexual passion.
Second, Goldstein discounts and
ignores completely the importance of unit cohesion. Individual
soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines, after all, don’t fight and
win on the battlefield; teams and units do. And it is the
performance of those teams and units that matter, not the
performance of individuals.
An individual lesbian and homosexual
might be a perfectly fine soldier, sailor, airman and Marine; and
yet through his or her sexual dalliances within the unit, undermine
the unit’s morale and performance.
And, with that, I hope to end this
particular debate. My hope is that we’ve managed to shed more light
than heat on an issue, “gay rights” and homosexuality, that isn’t
going away anytime soon. I wish Aaron and all of our readers a very
Merry Christmas. Hoo-rah!