Jim Pinkerton and I have been going back and forth over my criticism of Bobby Jindal's health care op-ed in the Washington Post earlier this week. Today he has a new post up in which he acknowledges that conservatives and libertarians often agree on economic issues, but writes that the Republican Party is more open to a larger role for the federal government. On that point, he'll get no argument from me. However, just because Republicans have embraced policies such as the Medicare prescription drug plan, it doesn't mean that doing so has proven either successful practical politics or good governance.
When it was being debated, Republican supporters of the drug bill made many of the same arguments that Pinkerton is making now. They thought it would help the party close the gap on health care with Democrats and overcome the image of the party as a bunch of scrooges. But it did nothing of the sort. In the 2000 presidential election, those who identified health care as their most important issue voted for Al Gore by a 64 percent to 33 percent margin over George W. Bush, according to exit polls. Yet despite signing the prescription drug bill during his first term, in the 2004 election, Bush actually fared worse among health care voters -- which John Kerry won 77 percent to 23 percent.
Meanwhile, the bill added $9.4 trillion to our long-term entitlement obligations and helped cement the image of Republicans as a fiscally irresponsible. While this wasn't the primary basis for GOP defeats in 2006 and 2008, it did reinforce the broader critique of Republicans as incompetent.
I've written about this more extensively in the past, but a big problem we face is that because many conservatives have neglected health care as an issue, it has created a sense of desperation that allows a Jindal or Romney to come out with a proposal that substantially embraces the Democratic vision for reform, and get credit for being a Republican saying something about the issue. But I, for one, refuse to accept this false choice between indifference or acquiescence on the most important domestic issue of our time. That's why, in addition to criticizing Democratic proposals, I've written a lot about how to improve the health care system by expanding individual liberty (see here, here, here, here, and here). I'd much rather spend my time trying to argue in favor of such ideas -- win or lose -- than handing out gold stars to any Republican who shows up to the debate.
Pingback| 10.9.09 @ 2:17PM
Twitter Trackbacks for The American Spectator : AmSpecBlog : A False Choice on Healt links to this page. Here’s an excerpt:
S.L. Toddard| 10.9.09 @ 2:29PM
I disagree with you often and emphatically, Mr. Klein, but I couldn't agree with your diagnosis of and prescription for what ails the healthcare system. We have a government-mandated monopoly system, not a free healthcare market. We need to free up the market, set up Health Savings Accounts, and the states should implement state-run low-cost healthcare options for the poor.
S.L. Toddard| 10.9.09 @ 2:34PM
Sorry! That should read "I couldn't agree *more* with your diagnosis of and prescription for what ails the healthcare system"
S.L. Toddard| 10.9.09 @ 2:41PM
I would ask, Mr Klein, whether you believe it's true - as I've read - that a number of the larger health insurance companies were behind (supported and lobbied for) the legislation that led to further consolidation. It seems to me that it is often powerful forces in the industries being legislated that push for - and often have a hand in writing - the legislation that "regulates" them. I believe corporate ownership of Washington guarantees that "regulations" passed in Congress often have the effect of further empowering and enriching the most powerful corporations at the expense of those less powerful, further concentrating power and wealth in few and fewer companies and thus hampering the natural process of the free market. Is this something with which you'd agree?
Philip Klein| 10.9.09 @ 3:43PM
Yes, I agree. If you look at the state level, regulations have driven a lot of smaller competitors out of business, while preserving larger companies who can afford the heavy compliance costs. Thus, government has accelerated the consolidation of the insurance industry and now liberals cite evidence of that consolidation in arguing that we need a government plan to provide more competition.
Check out this Howard Dean interview in which he boasts about imposing insurance regulations in Vermont:
"It’s worth doing the guaranteed issue and community rating. We did it [in Vermont] 15 years ago -it really does work, and it does drive a lot of fly-by-nights out of the insurance industry."
http://www.tnr.com/blog/the-tr.....harry-reid
Bob| 10.9.09 @ 4:39PM
Philip, your arguments make sense ideologically and sound good, but include a fundamental flaw in logic. The purpose of private enterprise is to make profits for its shareholders -- and NOTHING else. Management thus has the incentive to bolster short term profits at the expense of longer term strategy. Private companies have no incentive to benefit consumers -- their purpose is to acquire customers.
Thus for health insurance companies, they want to provide the least costly services that will provide the best sales incentive. They clearly would like to be totally deregulated so that they can segment the customer base to get the healthiest customers. Policy limits, including pre-existing conditions, redlining, genetic testing, etc., are all excellent tools to accomplish this.
State regulation has expanded because health insurance companies would not include these types of coverages on their own. If they were allowed to totally segment the population, instead of 40 million uninsured, we would have at least 100 million uninsured because the worst health is among those who can afford this least.
In order to reduce financial risk, insurance companies will always push for compensation based upon services run rather than outcomes. Furthermore, it is to their benefit to make claims harder to get. When people are sick, they tend to fight the bureaucracy less. So this works out just fine.
I know all of this is true because I was an insurance executive who developed these policies on a state by state basis and served on a number of claims committees.
The fundamental nature of capitalism is in conflict with the health needs of a nation. That is why deregulation, as you have described, makes little sense. Competition will not lower costs substantially and deregulation will raise costs for a majority of policy holders.
The only way to accomplish less regulation is to align profits with consumer health needs. That would mean paying for results rather than procedures. That would mean forcing insurance companies to cover preventative health care. But that is not less regulation, it is more regulation.
If you believe that deregulation is the answer, then you are, indeed, naive. As I've proposed on several occasions, I believe the solution is to have emergency and catastrophic events plus an annual physical covered by the government. Then private insurance companies could compete on the breadth and depth of their plans since you've taken away the items that cause the strategic inconsistencies.
As a libertarian on the issue, you must realize that, on this basis, if you didn't pay for a specific coverage -- let's say a new, expensive, cancer drug -- you don't get it unless you come up with the money yourself. Will some people die? Yes. But if we allow individual liberties, then those people must be able to take the consequences of their actions.
S.L. Toddard| 10.9.09 @ 5:47PM
These are all good points. I haven't read all of Mr. Klein's pieces yet, but I wonder what he has to say about the tendency of insurance companies to bend over backwards to find any excuse to cancel a policy whenever a client becomes gravely ill. It will always be in the best financial interest of an insurance provider to cancel the policy of a very sick person.
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