Earlier
I took several companies to task for their apparent
willingness to compromise on the election-ending "Card Check"
bill. Ed Morrissey argues that the apparent compromise
gives organized labor little that it doesn't already have.
Writes Morrissey:
The compromise thus restores the secret ballot requirement for
union organizing, and it eliminates the equally offensive
arbitration provisions that would allow government to impose
its own idea of the management-labor relationship. What's
left? It forces businesses to allow union-organizing
elections in a shorter period of time, and to give unions
access to the workplace to organize, two provisions that would
easily pass on their own in this session of Congress, and
probably would get several Republican votes in both chambers.
It's not great, but it's not horrid, either. In truth, it
gives the unions little that they don't already have, and it
strips them of two of their cherished prizes. It also
gives politicians on Capitol Hill a way to throw a bone to
union rank and file without offering a complete
game-changer. If it's incrementalism, it's an increment
of the smallest variety possible.
A few weeks ago, I predicted that Congress would reach a
compromise precisely along these lines. With this
proposal floating now, it will either force the Senate (where
the real battle will be fought) to accept this compromise, or
it will split the pro-Card Check forces enough to stall any
movement on the legislation, as the moderates now have a reason
to withhold support for the much more radical version.
Businesses could live with this result, and hope that any
abuses can be corrected by a more business-friendly Congress
down the road. It's still a bad bill, but the alternative
is much worse.
Since there's a good chance of defeating the Card Check bill,
this sort of measure seems unnecessary. But perhaps the
companies aren't as ready to feed the crocodile as I had thought.
About the Author
Doug Bandow is a Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute and the Senior Fellow in International Religious Persecution at the Institute on Religion and Public Policy. A former Special Assistant to President Ronald Reagan, he is author of Beyond Good Intentions: A Biblical View of Politics (Crossway).