An American Spectator
in Paris
by Joseph A. Harriss
(Unlimited Publishing, 328 pages, $17.99)
Some professor once said we
should show humility when trying to describe national cultures,
they are so complex. I hate that idea. What’s most amusing about
living among the French is that they beg to be characterized. They
never stop analyzing themselves and they expect us to do the same.
They virtually invented navel-gazing.
We foreigners who live in France almost always end up in a
love-hate relationship with them. There is much to justify both
emotions. Just when you think you have grasped some arcane feature
of their ways, they do the opposite, so I say we are duty-bound to
keep trying to understand them.
Joseph Harriss, a seasoned foreign correspondent and a key
contributor to The American Spectator, has spent most of
his adult life wracking his considerable brain over French
politics, French culture, French history, French women, French
food, and the shifting role of France in today’s world. His best
work is now collected in a new book, An American Spectator
in Paris, with an appreciative introduction by R. Emmett
Tyrrell, Jr., the Spectator’s editor-in-chief.
Harriss comes closest of any writer I know to nailing French
Jell-O to the wall.
He has been at it probably longer than any Paris-based American
writer. In fact this month marks the 50th anniversary of his first
story on France, filed to Time. He continued to write for
Time for seven years, then moved to Reader’s
Digest for another 18 years as roving correspondent around
Western Europe, with various short-term gigs in between. His
thoughtful and wide-ranging Spectator output provides the
core of this book, 41 articles, about one-third of his
contributions over a period of eight years. All are freshened up
with contextual introductions, and closed with newsy updates.
Harriss has avoided the path of many observers of France who
find the easy targets (smoking, drinking, loafing, sleeping around)
and fire away. But Harriss states at the outset that is book is
“not an exercise in French-bashing.” He likes the country and its
people. He even married one. He speaks the language and seeks to
“shine light on many aspects of the reality of France today”.
These concentrated gems, most of them 1,500 words or so in
length, amount to pithy, well-crafted essays on the country’s
strengths and weaknesses. He is a fine writer and has avoided the
annoying Timestyle locutions most ex-staffers continue to
practice in their memoirs and other writings.
A disclaimer is in order. I have lived among the French in Paris
and Bordeaux for 15 years (I also married one) and have written
occasionally on the country’s problems. And yet Joe Harriss had me
nodding and shouting “Aha!” as he delivered his sharper insights. I
learned more than I care to admit from this book.
The opening selection sums up the self-destructive French
attitude to life succinctly and accurately, although I had never
put the pieces together in quite this way. His subtitle is “How the
French became afraid of freedom.”
“France has a bad case of chronic socialism,” he writes.
Straining to stay balanced, he concludes, “This wasting malady
drains an energetic, creative people of their self-reliance,
paralyzes them with fear of risk, and reduces them to a state of
infantile dependency on the state.”
He traces the socialist grip on France to Leon Blum, the
socialist-communist Popular Front prime minister elected in 1936.
Many of the people’s entitlements date from this era, and the
French will fight violently against any attempt to remove or reduce
them. Watch them on the streets of Paris a couple of times a week,
as I did when I lived there — nurses, professors, autoworkers,
farmers. No sector is too small or too large to get a march going.
It often ends up as a street party, further confusing the outside
observer.
Global realities have left the French confused. They elected
another socialist in June, and are now described in some media as
the “sick man of Europe.” Harriss rightly faults President François
Hollande and his team for failing to tell the people the truth
about their precarious situation. The public deficits burdening
France “are not mere cyclical difficulties that will go away by
themselves,” he writes.
His essay on the late Jean-François Revel is particularly
enlightening in its explanation of French anti-Americanism. He
quotes Revel as writing that the French could not countenance their
own loss of status as a global power, and developed an “irrational,
endemic bitterness over American success.” The hostility came from
both the left and the far right, “who hated democracy and the
market economy that went with it.”
He adds that even after 9/11 the hatred remained out in the
open. “Terrorists were justified in attacking the United States,
the line went, because its ostentatious wealth and success was a
provocation.”
Frog in Uniform | 10.16.12 @ 10:22AM
Monsieur Harriss' articles are very enjoyable, really witty and full of insights about what makes France tick. However I beg to differ re the origins of the "bad case of chronic socialism". They are not even closely related to the Popular Front, but to 1) centuries of centralized government and a taxation system that goes back to the Dark Ages well before the Joan of Arc era, harshly criticized by most but gladly endorsed then maintained as is by the Republic, 2) the French Revolution of 1789 with all the senseless genocidal bloodbath that followed, apparently planned by the FreeMasons with the help of England who managed to cripple a rival for the decades to come, and whose influence can still be felt everytime you talk to a French government employee whatever his department happens to be.
That influence was obvious in the way we dealt with our neighbors and with our colonies, a socialist freemason (in France it borders on pleonasm) feels so much more enlightened than anybody else that he will have the strong tendency to push his views with the help of violence if necessary. .
Will| 10.16.12 @ 1:15PM
It also comes from the circumstances of the revolution. France was deeply decentralised at the time, and half the population didn't even speak French. Furthermore, pretty much every monarchy in Europe declared war on the revolutionary government at the same time, meaning the French were immediately thrust into a fight to preserve the revolution. To unite the country and fight the war a massive degree of centralisation was created, making France totally unitary and top-down. Thus, when socialist governments got in, there wasn't much to stop them pulling the levers of the state to achieve their objectives.
Also, the PCF was very powerful after WW2, so moderately rightwing politicians like De Gaulle felt it necessary to introduce centre-left measures to spike the communist threat.
Frog in Uniform | 10.16.12 @ 10:22AM
continued
The dreadful mindset is taught and perpetuated through our public school system and our media: The Government is always right and any private property is probably stolen and needs to be restituted to the people. Our Socialists don't hate money as they claim, they spend and tax a lot of it and feel usually no guilt whatsoever about being very wealthy themselves (because they can, they are the good guys right?).
If you want to understand a French Socialist, although I couldn't imagine a hobby more pointless than that, just closely watch a Democrat of yours and all becomes clear.
james wilson| 10.16.12 @ 1:29PM
A man’s admiration of absolute government is proportionate to the contempt he feels for those around him. The government of the old regime had already taken away from the French any possibility, or desire, of helping one another. When the Revolution happened, one would have searched most of France in vain for ten men who had the habit of acting in common…
Tocqueville
nathan| 10.16.12 @ 3:08PM
Their complicity in the Holocaust? We don't really want to talk about that right? The French mostly Catholic and perhaps all too willing to indulge the doctrine of deicide to its finality (the doctrine not being formally abolished until after war) had no problem herding the Jews onto those cars bound for Auschwitz.
To be sure with the exception of Denmark no one one ourselves included (shielding war criminals from justice, how did we justify that?) looked all that good (read Under His Very Walls for what may be the best account of the Pope's actions) but failure to ignore this element of French history does them no favors either.
PolishKnight| 10.16.12 @ 4:24PM
Nathan, there's a joke called "Godwin's Law" that once the word Nazi is introduced to a discussion, reasonable discourse ceases and it's largely true. That being said, here's my opinion:
Denmark looked "good" because they were under favorable terms and later were able to easily hide the few number of Jews or send them off to safety. Poles faced death sentences from the beginning for hiding Jews and yet hid several thousand of them. Poland also fought ferociously throughout the conflict while other nations went into occupation under favorable terms.
It's also useful to put The Holocaust into context: The USSR engaged in ethnic cleansing of Ukrainians and Tartars among others with the approval of marxists in New York. The genocide of Armenians also was said to have inspired Hitler. So it was really First they came for the Armenians, then they came for the Ukrainians...