In order to receive the federal funds, a state would have to
adopt these choice policies. States would also have to remove all
enrollment caps on charter schools and fund them under the same
formula that applies to all other publicly supported schools—which
includes providing access to capital funds.
Romney’s proposal would provide sweeping national leadership by
making every state adopt school choice policies to obtain federal
funds. This would be a revolution in education, shifting power from
the public school bureaucracy to parents and students. That’s
precisely why the bureaucracy and teachers unions oppose reform so
strongly. If parents and students have the power to determine where
the funding will go, then schools, teachers, administrators, and
the bureaucracy would have to be maximally responsive to their
concerns and preferences.
As a result, the incentives facing administrators and
teachers would be transformed. This would spur each school to more
carefully monitor its performance, move expeditiously to correct
problems, and devote imagination and energy to timely innovation.
School choice would create a competitive market in education—just
like those that exist for other goods and services. Funding would
immediately flow to the schools that satisfied parents and students
with the best teaching methods, materials, and subject matter.
Schools that failed to change and serve would lose funding. As a
result, public schools would improve sharply. And no longer would
complaining parents and students be treated as weird interlopers in
the expert process of education.
School choice also allows for decentralized flexibility.
Different schools might strive to maximize the cultivation and
flourishing of different talents or abilities, whether in math,
science, music, the arts, or other disciplines. Competing schools
would be tailored to the needs and skills of children, instead of a
one-size-fits-all government monopoly.
Romney proposes other reforms that would complement his choice
revolution. He would expand the D.C. Opportunity Scholarship
Program, which has provided 1,600 scholarships per year for
students to attend private schools, to serve as a model of school
choice for the nation.
He wants to eliminate the ineffective No Child Left Behind
federal mandate that all teachers of core academic subjects achieve
certification that they are “highly qualified.” Instead he would
direct funding toward schools that “actually attract and reward
highly effective teachers and remove ineffective ones from the
classroom.” He would reform federal data collection to provide
user-friendly information on school performance, which parents
could use to choose among schools at all levels. He would
consolidate the $4 billion in federal teacher-quality spending into
a single block grant back to the states.
In fact, the best solution would be to block grant the entire
Department of Education back to the states, as education is
primarily a state responsibility. Federal funds could be
distributed by the departments of Treasury, Commerce, or Health and
Human Services (as they used to be).
Fixing Higher Ed
ROMNEY’S REVOLUTION extends to higher education. He wants
students to be awarded degrees based on success in competency
testing, rather than time served in a classroom. Such change would
further slash the power of the education bureaucracy, which would
have less time to propagandize students. He proposes reopening
college student loan financing to private sector lenders, reversing
Obama’s nationalization of the student loan market. He would
consolidate duplicative and inefficient federal financial aid and
refocus it on students most in need. He would remove regulatory
barriers to the business of online education, encouraging it to
expand into a new world of 21st-century digital education.
Romney’s proposed power-to-the-people education revolution is a
good start. Just as Reagan redefined the debate and the election of
1980, Romney should follow up throughout the campaign with more
carefully considered, conservative, market-oriented reforms, and
keep the 19th-century minds of the Obama campaign on the
intellectual defensive.