June 18, 2013 | 102 comments
June 13, 2013 | 54 comments
June 11, 2013 | 215 comments
June 6, 2013 | 91 comments
June 4, 2013 | 55 comments
Reagan, Kemp, and Mark Levin: Natural Rights and a challenge to moral superiority.
(Page 3 of 6)
And so it went.
All of which explains the absolute fury by liberals as one-by-one, everything they insisted would happen — never happened. Reagan didn’t simply prove them wrong, his policies humiliated their policies. Hard core liberals were furious — absolutely furious.
By the time of Reagan’s re-election in November of 1984, interest rates were down more than a full 9 points, from 21.50 to 12%. The unemployment rate had peaked at 9.6% and stood at 7.5%. (By the time Reagan left office in 1989 the unemployment rate was down to 5.5%.) And inflation? By 1984 — Reagan’s re-election year — inflation had dropped like a stone, from 13.58% in 1980 under the liberal Carter’s tax-and-spend policies to 4.30% under Reagan.
Reagan took note of a curious silence, saying with a smile: “They don’t call it Reaganomics anymore.” Which is to say, Reaganomics — once used by liberals like O’Neill and company as an epithet — had become synonymous in the mind of Americans with economic success. So — liberals stopped using the term.
Everything once being said about Ronald Reagan is now being hurled at Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan. The reason for the intensity of it all (Romney murdered a guy’s wife, Ryan wants to push grandma over the cliff) is that in primal recesses of the liberal mind, liberals look at Romney and Ryan as the return of Reaganomics.
The New York Times yesterday predictably branded Paul Ryan as — really — “the most extreme of vice-presidential possibilities.” (Glad to know Sarah Palin is now a moderate in the eyes of the Times. Congratulations Governor Palin. You have officially “evolved.”)
On November 2, 1980, the New York Times made a point of re-endorsing liberal Jimmy Carter by saying — really — that Carter’s liberalism “offers better goods.”
Which is to say, liberals really don’t care if there’s high unemployment (as there is now with Obama’s 8.3%) hurting Americans. Or, in the case of 1980, if liberalism was producing 21.50% interest rates and 13.58% inflation. Liberals, you see, are all about “caring” — even if the liberal version of caring in fact translates to a ruthless un-caring that ruins American lives every single day. The primary concern of liberals has for decades appeared to be all about feeling good about themselves — not helping others.
Which is to say: Reaganomics began the successful dismantling of the failed liberal idea of a government-run command — socialist if you will — economy. An economy that was built not on the original American idea of equal opportunity but rather based on government arranging outcomes. An idea that failed miserably by 1980.
Paul Ryan is the very symbol of Reaganomics.
Or, if you will, he is Reagan’s heir. The return of the left’s worst nightmare — in which all or most of the classes into which they love to divide America voted overwhelmingly for Reagan and against liberalism’s standard bearers Carter, Mondale, and Dukakis. Not to mention launching a Reagan-lite Clinton presidency in a fourth and fifth election in 1992 and 1996. And, when Clinton wasn’t Reaganesque enough in his first two years? The Reagan Revolution still had the clout to launch Newt Gingrich’s Contract With America revolution in 1994 — forcing Clinton back to the center.
Which brings us to Paul Ryan’s mentor (and, full disclosure, my own boss at the Department of Housing and Urban Development):
• Jack Kemp: Jack Kemp, as was noted in this space back in January of 2009, was arguably the most important man in late 20th century American politics who never became president.
Usually that importance is attributed, understandably, to his role as what one might call the Godfather of Reaganomics. It was Kemp who took the arguments of Art Laffer and the Wall Street Journal’s Jude Wanniski, and, using his role as a congressman, persuaded Ronald Reagan into adopting supply-side economics. (Which in fact was not a new idea, having provided the backbone of tax-cut policy for both Republican Calvin Coolidge in the 1920s and Democrat John F. Kennedy in the 1960s.)
A man of faith in a godless age is hitting Americans where it hurts.
Mr. and Mrs. American Spectator Reader, let P.J. O’Rourke talk sense to your kids.
In Britain, defending your property can get you life.
The debacle of this president’s administration is both a cause and a symptom of the decline of American values. Unless Congress impeaches him, that decline will go on unchecked. An eminent jurist surveys the damage and assesses the chances for the recovery of our culture.
It won’t take long for conservatives to scratch this presidential wannabe off their 2008 scorecard.
The American Christmas, like the songs that celebrate it, makes room for everybody under the rainbow. Is that why so many people seem to be hostile to it?
Was the President done in by the economy, or by the politics of the economy?