Who’s Counting?: How Fraudsters and Bureaucrats Put Your Vote at
Risk
By John Fund and Hans von Spakovsky
(Encounter Books, $16.99, 256 pages)
The cry, “Bring out yer dead,” is dark humor of a high
order in the 1975 film Monty Python and the Holy
Grail. When it could easily serve as the slogan for a
presidential campaign’s get out the vote effort, however, it’s not
so amusing. Rather, it would call for a sensible and well-informed
discussion on election integrity. We should be pleased that two
very experienced experts have authored a book that meets this need
fairly and squarely.
John Fund and Hans von Spakovsky both have impressive
credentials on voting rights and “vote fraud.” Mr. Fund, a senior
editor of this magazine, is the author of Stealing Elections:
How Voter Fraud Threatens Our Democracy, published in 2004; he
has also authored numerous opinion articles on the subject for the
Wall Street Journal, New Republic, and other
publications. Mr. von Spakovsky, a senior legal fellow at the
Heritage Foundation, is a former member of the Federal Election
Commission; he had responsibility for enforcing federal voting
rights laws when he served as counsel in the Department of Justice;
he has also served as an election official in both Virginia and
Georgia.
In Who’s Counting?: How Fraudsters and Bureaucrats Put Your
Vote at Risk, Messrs. Fund and von Spakovsky have
co-authored a very readable and informative new book, one that is
welcome as both a useful reference and a persuasive response to
rampant inaccurate reporting and political posturing about efforts
to reduce fraud and increase public confidence in our electoral
system.
Who’s Counting? treats readers to a trove of actual
facts about the tactics of fraudsters, along with lucid
explanations of the relevant legal issues. By way of illustration,
we learn that a Pew Center study published in February 2012 found
that 1.8 million dead people are still on state rolls of registered
voters, and 2.75 million voters are registered in more than one
state. Small wonder, then, that a Rasmussen poll found 82 percent
of Americans — including 67 percent of African-Americans and 67
percent of Democrats — “supported requiring that voters prove
their identity before voting.”
In addition, the authors explain that the Supreme Court and
lower federal courts have consistently upheld voter identification
laws. The charge that reasonable identification requirements are
somehow illegal or unconstitutional is utterly baseless.
Nevertheless, and despite well-documented evidence of fraud and
abuse in numerous states and localities, “only 17 states require
some form of documentation in order to vote.”
The authors’ brief mention of requirements in other countries is
also revealing. One striking example is our southern neighbor,
Mexico. To obtain voter credentials in Mexico, “a citizen must
present a photo, write a signature, and give a thumbprint. To guard
against tampering, the voter card includes a picture with a
hologram covering it, a magnetic strip, and a serial number. To
cast a ballot, voters must present the card and be certified by a
thumbprint scanner.” This system protected the integrity of the
electoral process, and in 2000 Mexico elected its first
opposition-party president (Vicente Fox) in 70 years. As this and
other examples illustrate, by international standards the United
States’ voter registration and election processes are unusually
vulnerable to fraud.
Most examples of actual vote fraud presented in the book
involved Democrats, but Fund and von Spakovsky are prudently
sensitive to charges of partisanship, and they address the issue
forthrightly. “Voter fraud occurs both in Republican strongholds
such as Kentucky hollows and Democratic bastions such as south
Texas.” Moreover, when Republicans “operated political machines…
they were fully capable of bending — and breaking — the rules.”
Still, as Larry Sabato has noted, “Republican-base voters are
middle-class and not easily induced to commit fraud,” and the inner
city populations that “appear to be available and more vulnerable
to an invitation to participate in vote fraud tend to lean
Democratic.”
For the enlightenment of skeptics, the book provides detailed
descriptions of numerous vote fraud enterprises, and they are by no
means limited to big city political machines. The authors acquaint
us with fraud that perpetuated the power of local Democratic Party
politicians in rural Alabama and Mississippi — where both
perpetrators and victims were largely African-American, and the
candidates on both sides were Democrats — to a variety of schemes
in Minnesota, Illinois, Indiana, Tennessee, Georgia, New York,
Vermont, New Hampshire, New Jersey, the District of Columbia, and
elsewhere.
We also learn of the methodology of vote fraud. Absentee
ballots, early voting, and voting by mail are especially
vulnerable. In more egregious schemes, voters are provided
“assistance” in the polling place by officials who actively advance
the fraud by directing voters how to mark their ballots, a coercive
tactic to which the elderly are particularly vulnerable. Of course,
voting by non-citizens, illegal aliens, dead people, and “deadwood”
voters who have moved but remain on the rolls, are all facilitated
by lax registration requirements and failure to clean up voter
rolls as required by federal law.
Just as we read how fraud is implemented, so we are informed
about what works to deter it. Voter ID is vital because it “can
deter not just impersonation fraud at the polls, but also voting
under fictitious voter registrations, double-voting by individuals
registered in more than one state or locality, and voting by
illegal aliens.” Unfortunately, in “states without identification
requirements, election officials have no means for preventing the
casting of fraudulent votes.”
The authors make a strong case for voter identification laws and
provide extensive data demonstrating that such requirements have
not suppressed turnout. They likewise debunk claims that many poor
and minority citizens lack photo identification, with detailed
studies supporting the common sense notion that, in today’s world,
virtually everyone has “photo ID.”
The relatively lengthy chapter on “Holder’s Justice Department”
is essential reading. This is especially so because the national
media have been conspicuously silent on the very aggressive
politicization of the DOJ’s Civil Rights Division, which is
responsible for enforcing federal voting laws. Unfortunately, “fair
and impartial enforcement of the law is hampered by the radical
ideological makeup of almost all of the employees in the Civil
Rights Division, especially the Voting Section.” Career attorneys
in that office have been told that the Obama administration will
not, as a matter of policy, support “race neutral” enforcement of
civil rights laws.
Under Eric Holder, the Department of Justice has declined to
pursue clear violations of the law, such as intimidation of white
voters by armed members of the New Black Panthers, and has shown
contempt for the law by refusing to respond when its own conduct is
investigated. The authors have explored this subject thoroughly,
and their carefully documented report is truly alarming.
The authors also address other election-related topics that
should be of interest to concerned citizens. One of these is the
“national popular vote scheme,” a proposed interstate compact that
would essentially nullify the Electoral College provisions of the
Constitution. We are provided a succinct review of the history and
purpose of the Electoral College, which “prevents candidates from
winning an election by focusing solely on high-population urban
centers, and forces them to seek the support of a larger cross
section of the American electorate.” Fund and von Spakovsky offer a
thoughtful and informative discussion of why the proposal is almost
certainly unconstitutional. And beyond that, they describe the
incentives for nationwide vote fraud, and the potential for equally
extensive recount disputes, implicit in the scheme. Readers will
come away with a better understanding of just how fraught with
peril the proposal is.
Portsmouth Compact| 8.14.12 @ 6:37AM
You can see the authors on video at Heritage's bloggers' briefing last week at http://blog.heritage.org/2012/.....spakovsky/
Correction: Mexico had to wait till 2000 (not 1970) to end the longest one party rule on earth.
LarryK| 8.14.12 @ 9:02AM
If arrested for voter fraud-
1. The trial must take place within 7 days
2. Jury must be comprised of honorably discharged veterans of the opposite political party of the accused.
The penalty for voter fraud is too lenient.
If convicted of voter fraud the guilty should:
1. Be publicly flogged with 13 lashes.
2. Be made to crawl through Arlington National Cemetery.
3. Disemboweled
4. Head removed and placed on a pike.
5. All of their assets seized.
6. Immediate family stripped of U.S. Citizenship and deported.
I think after 1 or 2 such cases, voter fraud would become a think of the past.
NedB| 8.14.12 @ 11:37AM
Way to lenient.
LarryK| 8.14.12 @ 3:51PM
NedB,
I forgot to mention that while crawling (#2) guilty party to be zapped with cattle prods.
Yea, still too lenient!
Occam's Tool| 8.14.12 @ 10:43AM
The BIG problem that I see for the Romney/Ryan campaign is that it is too nice. Without going into illegalities, they need a dirty tricks department. A new and disgusting factoid should be released and documented about, say, Valerie Jarrett every week. If Obama frequented a gay bathhouse in Chicago, that needs to be documented and publicized---strictly by "uncontrollable PACs," of course, so that Romney can condemn such tactics.
But there needs to be dirty, nad punching fighting going on here. Negative campaigning works, and Obama is VERY sensitive to it.
MK48| 8.14.12 @ 11:34AM
OT.......I have that video.....the 2 were holding hands walking in.
Stephanie| 8.14.12 @ 2:40PM
Absolutely OT! Absolutely. Been saying this for the last 3 elections. Turn their gutter politics back on them and let them have a taste of the ole Chi-town way.
Petronius| 8.14.12 @ 11:01AM
The most blatant tactic isn't mentioned; short reporting. The Democrat machines in the cities don't report full results until the rural areas have entered all of theirs. Then the election judges who are all Democrat controlled, forge voters signatures and vote how many ballots they need to win. Ask Dickless Gephart. He got away with it for 20 years.
RJ| 8.14.12 @ 12:26PM
Having read John Fund's "Stealing Elections," I am looking forward to reading this one. It is a major issue. The integrity of our democratic Republic depends on legitimate elections. Sadly, much of our election laws seemed to be designed to allow voter fraud. I wish our system was a good as Mexico's.
Indy| 8.14.12 @ 12:28PM
Please get involved, there is much you can do from your home computer
http://www.truethevote.org/
atilla| 8.14.12 @ 12:47PM
the states that don't have voter ID laws should be prohibited from voting in national elections...case closed
ALSO, ANYONE DRAWING ANY PUBLIC ASSISTANCE FUNDS SHOULD NOT BE ALLOWED TO VOTE UNTIL THEY ARE OFF THE DOLE FOR ONE ELECTION CYCLE.....DO AWAY WITH VOTE BUYING FOREVER.
cicero| 8.14.12 @ 5:02PM
OCCAM - Rather than resorting the the dirty trick game, I suggest that a member of the campaign party follow Obama and Biden around (as suggested by Gingrich), and after every speech, give a rebuttal within a half hour, giving the lie to whatever they say. In addition, ridicule has a place in such matters. Most of the Dem talking points are just shy of rediculous, and should be held up to scorn as soon as possible. That way, the big lie theory of campaigning will be pulled up short. In the long run, truth should be the most potent weapon in the arsenal. Reagan showed that it works.
RJ| 8.14.12 @ 5:26PM
Fully agree with you about the long-term power of truth and the use of ridicule. Hold them accountable for their own words. Humorous ridicule is the best way to disable fools.
Indy| 8.14.12 @ 7:02PM
"Today Florida is holding a primary election. I’ve learned that 1,100 voters who requested absentee ballots either did not get them or received them too late because the United States Postal Service treated the ballots as third class mail. 800 voters in Indian River County and 300 voters in Martin County were affected. Contests in Martin County include Alan West’s primary challenge as well as a U.S. Senate race, state house, state senate, school superintendents, sheriff and more. Florida law does not permit electronic return of the completed ballots by fax or email. That means that about 1,100 voters who specifically sought to participate in the primary today, can’t. More at my blog electionlawcenter.com."
http://pjmedia.com/tatler/2012.....ers-today/
Marie| 8.15.12 @ 1:50PM
I'm going to have to read this book.