The recent
firebombing of the office of the French satirical
magazine Charlie Hebdo has once again revived the debate
on the relation between free speech and Islam. In this case, the
magazine’s “crime” was to feature a caricature of Mohammed on its
front cover and a “guest editor” role for the founder of Islam, as
part of the publication’s satirical musings on the Islamist party
Ennahda’s winning of a plurality of seats in the Tunisian
Constituent Assembly elections.
First, it is pleasing to observe how, once again, French
political factions from the left and right are standing with
Charlie Hebdo in the face of this attack on the right to
freedom of expression.
A report by the center-right Le Figaro
provides a useful overview of reactions to the firebombing.
For example, the center-right Union for a Popular Movement’s
secretary general — Jean-François Copé
-- rightly pointed out that “there can be
no impunity [for this]. It’s an act which must give rise to legal
proceedings.” The Communist party was unequivocal in describing the
vandalism as an “appalling act,” adding that “political and media
debate cannot be controlled at the hands of Molotov
cocktails.”
In fact, the firm support for free speech across the
French political spectrum was also apparent in 2007, when the Grand
Mosque, World Islamic League, and Union of French Islamic
Organizations sued the magazine for incitement to racism for
reprinting the Danish cartoons. The case resulted in an acquittal
by a court in Paris as leading figures of the left and right
came to
testify on Charlie Hebdo’s
behalf. So too calls to support Charlie Hebdo unreservedly
in the wake of the firebombing have come from the major French
media outlets like
Le Monde and
Le Figaro.
The contrast with the debate in English-speaking circles
is quite telling. Already the Guardian has put up an
article by one Pierre
Haski — a “co-founder and CEO of the French
independent news website Rue89” — who does not explicitly condemn
the attack and
effectively urges readers to understand the
firebombing in light of the fact that “for many French Muslims,
religion has become a cultural identity, a refuge in a troubled
society where they don’t feel accepted.” Thus, the attack on the
publication’s office is merely “a disturbing reminder of the
underground tensions in society.”
So back in 2006 and 2007
the Guardian went out of its way to
publish articles by the likes of Karen Armstrong, a leading
non-Muslim apologist for Islam.
Her words speak for themselves: “But equally
the cartoonists and their publishers, who seemed impervious to
Muslim sensibilities, failed to live up to their own liberal
values, since the principle of free speech implies respect for the
opinions of others.” The result is that in Britain, this subject
has often become a partisan left-right issue, even though it should
transgress political boundaries.
It would appear some American outlets are following the
Guardian’s lead. For example,
Bruce Crumley, the Paris correspondent for
Time magazine, asked Charlie Hebdo’s
editors: “Do you still think the price you paid for
printing an offensive, shameful, and singularly humor-deficient
parody on the logic of ‘because we can’ was so
worthwhile?”
Incidentally, at Karen Armstrong’s alma mater —
St. Anne’s College, Oxford University — it would appear that some
students and staff are following in her footsteps. At a minor
interlude during a seminar I attended last week, several students
were placing the blame squarely on Charlie Hebdo for the
vandalism, stressing the need to “respect” the religion of others;
and one supervisor argued that Charlie Hebdo deserved to be held
partially responsible if a violent response was
predictable.
Unfortunately, the persistence of such sentiments only
invites one to state principles that might seem obvious, but never
grow unworthy of affirmation. There is no moral equivalence between
those exercising their right to free speech and Islamists who wish
to impose the standards of traditional Sharia (Islamic law) on
society and are prepared to harm physically others and their
property to achieve that end.
More generally, this affair — along with the attack on
a
Tunisian TV station for broadcasting the
film Persepolis, and the
death threats that forced
the flight from Pakistan of the judge who convicted the assassin of
Salman Taseer, the Punjab governor who opposed the blasphemy law —
demonstrates that Islam as a whole still has a long way to go to
come towards accepting basic standards of toleration of
criticism.
In short, one hopes that the following principle —
well summed
up by a prominent Melkite Greek Catholic deacon —
will come to be accepted as mainstream in Islam:
‘[O]ne’s response to someone else’s provocative action
is entirely one’s own responsibility. If you do something that
offends me, I am under no obligation to kill you, or to run to the
United Nations to try to get laws passed that will silence you. I
am free to ignore you, or laugh at you, or to respond with charity,
or any number of reactions.’
In the meantime, Western governments and media must make
every effort to stand in solidarity with Charlie Hebdo in
the wake of this latest Islamist attempt at
intimidation.