The so-called mainstream media are unreliable defenders of press
freedom. A case in point: the Los
Angeles Times in July published an op-ed piece
with the astonishing title “Tabloids Don’t Deserve the 1st
Amendment.” The news peg was the phone-hacking scandal at the
now-defunct British paper News of
the World (owned by News Corp., as is my
employer, the Wall Street
Journal). But Britain doesn’t have the First
Amendment, and author Jeffrey Shapiro’s target was American
supermarket tabloids. Years ago he worked for one of them, the
Globe.
At the end of his piece, Shapiro made clear he had been
attacking a straw man all along. “Crime is crime,” he concluded.
“Tabloid journalism uses illegal tactics, and it does not deserve
absolute protection from the 1st Amendment.” Yet in describing his
own experience, Shapiro had already made clear that the First
Amendment does not provide tabloids with “absolute protection,”
only the same degree of protection it extends to everybody
else:
In 1999, while covering the JonBenet Ramsey murder case in
Boulder, Colo., I reported my tabloid editors to the FBI for the
attempted extortion of a police detective. My editors had
threatened to publish a negative story about his family if he did
not illegally leak sealed grand jury evidence. One of my editors
also offered tens of thousands of dollars to an expert hired by
defense lawyers for a copy of the coveted ransom note.
After I testified before a Colorado grand jury, and felony
indictments were handed down [sic] to a Globe editor and a
consultant, the tabloid challenged the case on 1st Amendment
grounds before the Colorado Supreme Court and lost.
After that ruling, however, prosecutors did not pursue the case
as vigorously as Shapiro would have liked:
Agents for the Colorado Bureau of Investigation told me that the
local district attorney was concerned about being criticized for
prosecuting a media organization. The charges were dropped for a
mere $100,000 contribution to a journalism program and an admission
from the tabloid that it had acted unethically.
So the case was settled because prosecutors exercised their
discretion to accept a plea deal—something that happens all the
time in all sorts of criminal cases. The claim that “the local
district attorney was concerned about being criticized for
prosecuting a media organization” is a dubious one, coming as it
does from the cops who investigated the case—sources who would
have every reason to share Shapiro’s sense of grievance at the
anticlimactic outcome.
In any case, even if one agrees with Shapiro that the
prosecutors’ decision to drop the charges was unjust, that choice
was not dictated by the First Amendment. Although concern for press
freedom often counsels caution about investigating and prosecuting
journalists, the First Amendment is not a license to violate
criminal laws, as the Colorado Supreme Court recognized in the
Globe case.
Shapiro writes that “without illegal conduct, tabloids could not
preempt the mainstream press, and they would not survive.” But the
mainstream press has been known to engage in illegal conduct as
well. In All the
President’s
Men, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein described how
Bernstein used the 1970s equivalent of phone hacking to dig up
information about the 1972 Watergate burglary for the
Washington
Post:
Bernstein had several sources in the Bell system [the landline
telephone monopoly]. He was always reluctant to use them to get
information about calls because of the ethical questions involved
in breaching the confidentiality of a person’s telephone records.
It was a problem he had never resolved in his mind. Why, as a
reporter, was he entitled to have access to personal and financial
records when such disclosure would outrage him if he were subjected
to a similar inquiry by investigators?
Without dwelling on his problem, Bernstein called a telephone
company source and asked for a list of [Watergate burglar Bernard]
Barker’s calls. That afternoon, his contact called back and
confirmed that the calls listed in the [New York] Times had been
made. But, he added, he could not get a fuller listing because
Barker’s phone records had been subpoenaed by the Miami district
attorney.
Bernstein was never investigated, much less prosecuted, for
this, although he and Woodward were threatened with jail for
attempting to violate grand jury confidentiality. To be sure,
there’s a strong argument that the ends justified the means in the
Post case but not
the Globe case. A
political scandal that brought down a president is a matter of much
greater public importance than a sensational murder case. But it
does not follow that the “mainstream press” is entitled to greater
constitutional liberty than tabloids are.
What’s more, supermarket tabloids have been known to break
important political stories that the mainstream press shied away
from—and in this regard, the Los
Angeles Times has an especially embarrassing
record. In 2008 blogger Mickey Kaus published an e-mail from Tony
Pierce, an editor at the L.A.
Times, to the paper’s online contributors
(quoting verbatim):
Hey bloggers,
There has been a little buzz surrounding John Edwards and his
alleged affair. Because the only source has been the National
Enquirer we have decided not to cover the rumors or salacious
speculations. So I am asking you all not to blog about this topic
until further notified.