In an August 12 dispatch on a presidential appearance in New
Hampshire, the wire service reported that “Obama assailed ‘wild
misrepresentations’ of his health care plan…, taking on the role of
fact-checker-in-chief for his top domestic priority.” The AP thus
erased the distinction between journalism and politics, or between
truth and power.
A day earlier, the Washington bureau of McClatchy Newspapers
published an article that began:
Two independent organizations that are widely respected for
objective fact-checking on topics of political controversy are
FactCheck.org, a project of the Annenberg Public Policy Center
at
the University of Pennsylvania, and Politifact, a Pulitzer-prize
winning project of the St. Petersburg Times.
Their research into critiques of the health care legislation
pending before Congress was cited Tuesday in a memo from staff to
two Democrats who are helping to shape the legislation—Reps. George
Miller of California, chairman of the House Education and Labor
Committee, and Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, a member of the House
Ways and Means Committee. Both panels approved similar versions of
the legislation.
The House Democrats’ memo, with summaries of fact-checking
research and links to the fact-checkers’ Web sites, follows.
The rest of the story was simply a reprint of the Miller-Van
Hollen press release. McClatchy had been well regarded by Bush
administration foes for its muckraking foreign-policy
investigations. Now it is reduced to letting congressmen from the
party in power literally write the news.
David Stout of the New York Times went so far as to
“fact-check” a question at a town meeting:
“Why does the government want to rush into this bill when many
don’t want it?” Senator Ben Cardin, Democrat of Maryland, was asked
at a “town meeting” in Hagerstown. “Why are you rushing this?”
Calmly, the senator replied in a snippet shown on CNN, “We’ve
got to take as much time as we need to get it right.” And he added,
“The status quo is unacceptable.”
The senator was too polite (or intent on survival) to correct
his questioner by pointing out that there is not one bill yet, but
rather several proposals working their way through five committees
in both houses of Congress, and that to talk of “the government” as
a single entity makes no sense, at least in this context, because
of the divisions between Republicans and Democrats, House and
Senate, Capitol Hill and the White House.
Stout did offer this concession: “As for any implication that
there is a ‘rush’ to enact health care legislation, President Obama
may have been responsible for that, at least in part, by calling
for final action before the House and Senate adjourned for August.”
You don’t say.
One of the bitterest arguments in the summer health care debate
arose when Sarah Palin, in an essay on her Facebook page, raised
the specter of “death panels” denying treatment to sick or disabled
patients. Her language was hyperbolic, but it underscored
legitimate concerns about rationing of care and financial
incentives for doctors to provide end-of-life counseling aimed at
encouraging patients to decline treatment.
An item on the Los Angeles Times website provided
perhaps the best encapsulation of the media’s pro-Obama
approach:
The Palin claim about “death panels” was so widely discredited
that the White House has begun openly quoting it in an effort to
show that opponents of the healthcare overhaul are misinformed.
The fearless, independent journalists of the Los Angeles
Times justify their assertion that the Palin claim was “widely
discredited” with an appeal to authority—the authority of the White
House, which is to say, the other side in the debate.
This is the flip side of liberal media bias. Along with unfair
coverage of Republican administrations, it leads to cheerleading
coverage of Democratic ones. If Dan Rather gets his presidential
commission, it may be the death panel for independent
journalism.
Alan Brooks| 10.18.09 @ 9:50PM
Agreed,
but without Reagans to offer guidance, and with Gingrich's peddling Toffler, you can't expect to re-institute the decent authoritarianism of the late '40s through early '60s.
Alan Brooks| 10.18.09 @ 9:52PM
Gingrich ought to say:
"Toffler represents outmoded prognostication, let us MOVE ON."
that would be a start.
Russell Seitz| 10.26.09 @ 7:31PM
To judge by the content of Opinion Journal ,none can accuse Mr. Taranto of being a slave to the facts.
dsfds| 2.25.10 @ 4:09AM
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