By Patrick O'Hannigan on 10.2.09 @ 6:07AM
When it comes to defending Obamacare, the name-calling left
assumes only it can be Boss.
When it comes to opinions about President Obama and his
agenda, there are people with whom it is impossible to reason.
Conservative commentators keep making antivenin for the poisonous
speculation about motivation that masquerades as analysis in
militantly progressive circles, but publishing outlets like
The American
Spectator, American
Thinker, and Pajamas Media seldom gain traction
with activists who ignore history and logic to claim that the
Republican Party embraces racism.
There are more reputable and charitable readings of current
events, including Noemie Emery's
theory that Barack Obama and a large swath of the voting
public misread each other. Even some Democrats
now hope that Mr. Obama starts acting less like an actor at
an audition and more like a president. Yet (true to the maxim
that there is no such thing as "fighting dirty," because there is
only fighting), the left ignores its genteel representatives to
complain about Sarah Palin or the so-called hate speech allegedly
"spewed" by conservative radio hosts.
That verb matters, because it is not just an evocative
choice that taps into widespread revulsion for sudden illness.
Like the word "racist," "spews" must be considered as the
distillation of an ad hominem argument: few
other words so easily associate their targets with evil, thanks
to scenes imprinted on many of us by The
Exorcist. To use the verb "spews" the way some
progressives do is to imply that Limbaugh, Beck,
Savage, Ingraham, Coulter, and other conservative talkers need an
exorcist as much as actress Linda Blair did, and for what? Mostly
for apostasy from the Church of Obama.
Those who retail the unsavory metaphor never stop to wonder
whether spewing actual arguments might be
more constructive than indulging the acidic scorn that drips from
con artists who are busy redefining any opposition to Obama as
hate speech.
Sonja Schmidt of Pajamas TV knows all about that stealthy
assault on the First Amendment. Former Republican Congressman
J.C. Watts has tried to make the same point.
David Kahane went both of them one better to explain why
fears of a hostile environment allegedly created by vocal
conservatives are likewise misplaced.
To hear some progressives talk, good ideas of any kind are
repugnant to the Republican Party. People who think that way have
confused arguments over means with arguments over ends, but the
rest of us do not have to take such ignorance on the chin, and it
is not racist to parry sloppy thought when that thought is used
as a cudgel, even sometimes by friends who should know
better.
Conservative pundit Jennifer
Rubin has had enough. It makes no sense to rebuke "Democrat
softies" for losing parliamentary gambits to "mean Republicans,"
she notes, but that is a common excuse for "declining to examine
whether the Democrats' shortcomings stem from their ideological
extremism."
P.J. O'Rourke also rejects labeling by the left. O'Rourke
understands the moral hazard of nurturing hatred, and has
therefore decided (he says only partly in jest) to outsource
whatever hate he can muster to expert haters in "al Qaeda,
Russia, and Cuba."
While name-calling from the left is nothing new, it's most
recent cause is the felt need to defend President Obama's
signature initiative, health care reform, by any means necessary.
Unfortunately for progressive pundits, it is distressingly hard
to tar everyone opposed to a so-called "public
option" as racist, and the president himself subcontracted
the heavy lifting on health reform plans to other Democrats. The
number of presidential statements on health care that needs
fact-checking is
daunting. Nevertheless, as Nobel Prize-winning economist
Robert Fogel explained in an essay excerpted by blogger Don
Surber, President Obama is trying to turn health care on its
head.
While looking at factors that influence life expectancy,
Fogel
pointed out that "the emphasis in America is on saving lives,
not money," whereas "in every socialist country, the opposite is
true." In various Congressional plans, keeping your doctor might
require the involvement of a review board, an insurance exchange,
and a rugby scrum of intermediaries looking simultaneously for
cost savings and social justice.
Given the gauntlet that must be run and the controlling
instincts of the Democratic caucus (at least one of whom recently
caricatured the preferred Republican response to getting sick as
"die quickly"), some of us sympathize with a deceased rocker's
desire to "hide in my music" and "forget the day." Unfortunately,
President Obama has been telling even the people of Honduras how
to interpret their own constitution, so it's not much of a
stretch to wonder whether micromanagement is inevitable.
A word in defense of Sarah Palin would also be appropriate,
given how much she continues to scare the left. President Obama
mocked her opposition to "death panels." Other progressives seem
to think of her as a dangerous lightweight, because they have no
problem skating blithely past the cognitive dissonance in that
characterization. Yet it is worth remembering, as a
contributor to American Thinker does, that while Palin
campaigned for the vice presidency, "her church was torched, her
body ogled and threatened, her children debased." That this
happened to an indisputably competent and experienced adult ought
to give the rest of us pause. As the
buzz over her forthcoming memoir proves yet again, Sarah
Palin can take care of herself. But not everyone has similar
resources to draw on before consulting with a doctor over
potentially costly "end of life issues."
If Palin was right to characterize review panels the way
she did, what then? Shall we face the well-meaning bureaucrats
serenely, consoling ourselves with thoughts of all those "sweet
sounds coming down on the night shift"? Serenity is a good thing.
But there would be more of it if the American left recognized
legitimacy in questions about why Democrats administer lumps to
Big Pharma but not to
Big Law and why Congress exempts itself from plans foisted on
its constituents. To ask about that is not racist or
obstructionist; it is responsible. And as a progressive icon put
it from behind a piano keyboard, "we all must do the best we can
to hang onto that gospel plow."