By Aaron Eitan Meyer on 9.15.09 @ 6:07AM
It continues to thrive long after the death of libel tourism.
On Tuesday, August 18, the Saudi Arabia-based Arab News
reported that Khalid bin Mahfouz, the Saudi billionaire
perhaps best known in the West as the "Libel Tourist" for his
penchant for using U.K. connections to bring libel lawsuits
against his critics had passed away.
However, the much-publicized phenomenon of 'libel tourism' --
that is, the practice of non-United Kingdom residents suing
American researchers and authors for libel in the
plaintiff-friendly U.K. -- had already effectively met its own
demise over a year ago, date needed after Rachel Ehrenfeld's
refusal to comply with a British court's default judgment in
favor of bin Mahfouz against her led to the enactment of
protective legislation in several U.S. states, and consideration
of similar
bills in Congress.
In fact, bin Mahfouz's only newsworthy success came when he sued
for libel over the book Alms for Jihad: Charity and Terrorism
in the Islamic World, whose publisher, Cambridge University
Press, capitulated
to him, abjectly apologizing publicly and even requesting that
libraries pull copies off of shelves -- a request that American
libraries categorically refused.
However, unlike the Ehrenfeld case, bin Mahfouz's suit over
Alms for Jihad, reprehensible and predatory though it
was, was not a case of libel tourism, since Alms for
Jihad
was "Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press,
Cambridge."
Yet, despite its brief and extremely limited existence, libel
tourism has been allowed for too long to overshadow the real
extent of the threat to free and open discourse on radical Islam,
terrorism, and its sources of funding -- Islamist legal warfare,
or "lawfare."
Unlike libel tourism, Islamist lawfare is not a mere tactic, but
part of a grand strategy, and one that uses every legal
opportunity possible to achieve its goals: including rewriting
international human rights norms to comport with
Shari'a-based
interpretation, attempts to globally criminalize manufactured
and unsubstantiated assertions of "Islamophobia" or "defamation"
of religion, claims of "hate speech" or
"harassment," and promoting
self-censorship by American publishers and media. Even as far
as predatory libel lawsuits go, there have been many cases
brought within the U.S. without the need to resort to British
libel law, leaving bin Mahfouz's "libel tourism" as generally
unnecessary.
Even within the United States, fixating on the predatory domestic
libel suits that are a mainstay of Islamist lawfare is
dangerously myopic. Counterterrorism consultant Bruce Tefft is
being sued by a John Doe Muslim police officer not for libel, but
for "workplace harassment." Random House's cowardly decision not
to publish the novel
The Jewel of Medina, like Palgrave McMillan's earlier
decision to renege on publishing QURAN: A Reformist
Translation, had nothing to do with threats of libel
lawsuits, but everything to do with Islamist pressure.
Despite these and countless other examples, few are even aware of
the term Islamist lawfare, much less the extent of its reach.
Conducting an online search for the term "Islamist lawfare" on a
major search engine will likely result in somewhere between
14,000 and 18,400 hits, while a search for "libel tourism" will
net between 189,000 and 213,000 hits. In part, the number of hits
for libel tourism is the positive result of excellent analyses of
the phenomenon, such as Andrew C. McCarthy's
highly informative article, which appeared in the September,
2008 issue of Commentary magazine, where he clearly laid
out the crucial public interest at stake, as "the need to
understand and address financial support systems that invigorate
the terror networks targeting Americans for mass murder."
The danger does not stem from the fact that a search for libel
tourism nets many results, which demonstrates how effective the
response to libel tourism has been, but from the fact that the
vastly more complex and dangerous issue of Islamist lawfare has
yet to be fully addressed in the public arena.
Perhaps bin Mahfouz's demise will provide an end to the dangerous
overemphasis that has been placed on libel tourism. Islamist
lawfare is a far larger threat that needs to be understood as
such. Otherwise, we in the West will find ourselves further
outflanked by Islamist entities with immense political and
financial resources -- and by a certain point, that could prove
sufficient for radical Islam's victory.
topics:
Libel Tourism, Rachel Ehrenfeld