By George H. Wittman on 9.11.09 @ 6:07AM
How long will the Obama administration continue to receive a free
pass on foreign policy and national security issues?
In general the Obama administration has been given a pass on
foreign policy and defense issues. Of course small gaffes have
been exploited for partisan political purposes, but serious
attacks on policy and tactics have been comparatively muted. This
politesse does not help the American political process
-- and certainly keeps the public unnecessarily ill informed.
There would appear in Washington these days a willful desire to
ignore the realities of the world outside. To begin with, General
McChrystal has been informed that he better not ask for too many
additional troops for Afghanistan; that the strategy the White
House has forced on him as an alternative to a full scale
commitment to defeat the Taliban must show some positive results
in a year, or else the Administration plans to pull out.
In addition to this "instant gratification" test in military
strategy, there is the "rediscovery of the wheel" as personified
by the shock Washington is exhibiting to the information that the
Taliban is charging a "protection tax" on U.S. economic projects.
This extortion -- which sometimes can reach as high as 20 percent
of the projected expense -- is historically known as zagat and
has been a cultural truth of Afghani tribal life long before the
existence of the Taliban. Throughout the less-developed world
there are similar payoffs. That this is hot news for the Obama
foreign policy establishment shows its naïveté.
An art form has developed within the current administration's
foreign affairs brain trust that is best described as "hear no
evil, see no evil, speak no evil" -- not necessarily in that
order. It is especially true when considering Iranian matters.
Nonetheless, it will be impossible to overlook the appointment of
Ahmad Vahidi as President Ahmadinejad's defense minister. This is
the same individual who is high on Interpol's "wanted" list for
his role in the bombing in 1994 of a Jewish cultural center in
Buenos Aires.
It's obvious that the White House and Congress are more than
happy to be locked in domestic conflicts such as health care so
that they do not have to acknowledge the impending disaster of an
Iran that intends -- no matter what -- to proceed with its
nuclear weapon development. Meanwhile North Korea's admission
that it now has the ability to enrich uranium has been carefully
under emphasized by Washington. This process would give Pyongyang
a new way to make weapons in addition to their known
plutonium-based operation.
The political strategy of downplaying the dangers of aggressive
forces abroad and the threat of terrorism at home may be a useful
device in keeping the American electorate focused on social
issues important to the WH, but it is a disservice to national
security. The fact is that such an action may have short-term
advantages domestically, but it certainly will be perceived as an
opportunity by antagonists abroad.
While Secretary of State Clinton may have a strong personality,
her status as an influential factor in foreign policy is weakened
by the lack of a firm foreign policy by the White House.
Unfortunately this is exactly to President Obama's liking. He
certainly doesn't want to appear challenged in any respect by the
only other Democratic national figure. To ensure this diminution
of Clinton strength he has cleverly divided key foreign
responsibilities among several "super-ambassadors."
What is obvious is that General Jim Jones, USMC, Ret., the
national security advisor, shows no inclination toward a vigorous
military. The situation in Afghanistan screams out for decisive
leadership and the materiel and manpower to support it. Jones has
assumed the role of an apologist to his old buddies in the armed
forces for the weak, left-leaning government in which he has
enlisted.
Jones knows full well that the strategy of close-in, continued
contact between U.S./NATO troops with the populace until an
effective Afghan Army can be built and trained requires force
levels in excess of two hundred thousand troops to cover all
Afghan sectors. In today's political environment in Washington
this is simply out of the question. Why not admit it and plan for
an alternative political/military commitment to the region?
In the final analysis, the Obama Administration has either a
deep-seated ignorance of the real world or a deluded perception
of a world riven with conflict and self-interest -- or perhaps
both. In any case, such an outlook invites exploitation by
America's many enemies. In a world in which strength of will and
physical power are the ultimate arbiters of international
standing, the Obama Administration had better start facing
reality or we'll all suffer.
And, by the way, it's worthless to look backward searching for
malefactors of the past to explain away the shortfalls of the
present and future.
topics:
Foreign Policy, National Security