Media Madness: The Corruption of Our Political
Culture
By James Bowman
(Encounter Books, 130 pages, $20)
Reviewed by Shawn Macomber
AS JOHN MCCAIN TRUNDLED OFF to appear on ABC’s invariably
insipid gals-led gabfest The View one morning last
September, the Republican presidential nominee could have been
forgiven for believing he wasn’t in for a girl-power
reinterpretation of the Spanish Inquisition. After all, when his
opponent, Barack Obama, last appeared on the show Barbara Walters
(Serious Journalist™) opened the substantive grilling by confiding,
“We find you very sexy-looking.” How large the “we” demographic
Walters presumed to speak for was never quite established—her
View co-hosts? The studio audience? All womankind?
Humankind? Suffice to say, whomever “we” may signify, McCain
received a much less cuddly reception from the girls on their
behalf. Specifically, comedienne-cum- Serious Journalist™ Whoopi
Goldberg inquired whether, considering his support for placing
“strict constitutionalists” on the Supreme Court, she shouldn’t
“worry about being returned to slavery” were he to ascend to the
Oval Office.
Yes, well…what’s truly amazing about this isn’t McCain’s
remarkably fey retort (“That’s an excellent point, Whoopi, and I
thank you”!) or even hearing Barbara Walters promising Whoopi, “Us
white folk will take care of you,” but rather that Goldberg felt
comfortable implausibly posing as an undecided voter to the New
York Times scant days later. “I’m going to wait until the
debates to figure out who really has what it takes,” she insisted.
(Perhaps she has yet to conclude whether plantation life under
Master John was preferable to co-hosting The View with
Missus Walters?) The conceit was plainly absurd. McCain has as much
chance of weaseling Goldberg’s vote out of her as Obama has of
getting Cindy McCain to wittingly punch his hole on the proverbial
butter- fly ballot. So why go through the rhetorical motions?
Long-time New Criterion media critic, TAS
movie reviewer, and culture maven James Bowman provides an answer
in the follow-up to his seminally brilliant, epically cartographic
Honor: A History. This slim yet endlessly engaging volume,
Media Madness: The Corruption of Our Political Culture,
expertly dissects perhaps the most ostentatious offshoot of the
post-honor society he previously documented. Bowman writes:
Objectivity is the established church of the media. You don’t
have to be a regular worshipper; you may even attend another church
unofficially. But you do have to genuflect to it on all official
occasions, since it is what stamps your credentials as a
journalist….Claims to objectivity also have a side benefit, as the
media see it, in largely eliminating the need for fairness. For
objectivity and fairness are antithetical terms. If you are truly
objective, what need do you have to be fair? You speak, as it were,
from no point of view—or all points of view at once, which comes to
the same thing. In other words, you speak with the voice of God…It
is only when bias is acknowledged that fairness becomes a
consideration.
There is, as Bowman further notes, “no shame in not being
objective, since nobody can be,” only “shame in obstinately denying
what must be true, or affirming what must be false, as so many in
the media do with respect to their own objectivity.” Perhaps if the
self-delusion began and ended with what Bowman christens the Myth
of Objectivity this would be an acceptable, if somewhat
distasteful, arrangement. Alas, media madness (“a sort of folie
de grandeur on the part of ordinary but self-important people
who haven’t the excuse of insanity for their lack of humility and a
sense of proportion”) has hardly been confined to the Fourth
Estate. Piece by piece, chapter by chapter, Bowman demonstrates,
adroitly and with panache, how this “madness” has metastasized into
the political and intellectual classes, empowered and exacerbated
our celebrity culture, and popularized the “arrogance of assuming
that no other belief is possible without the assumption of the
believer’s lunacy, imbecility, viciousness, corruption, or some
other combination of all four to explain it.”
This is how, one presumes, a presidential candidate in 2008 ends
up offering little more than an accommodating smile and sheepish
demeanor as live on national television he is accused of being
potentially the first pro-slavery chief executive on American soil
since Jefferson Davis. Far from being embarrassed by the crude
inanity of his harem’s performance, The View’s executive
producer Bill Geddie gushed to the New York Times that
after the McCain interview Bill Clinton “wanted in on the action”
and ratings are way up. “We’ve worked very hard to be a player,” he
added, suggesting this escapade had turned The View into
something resembling a reputable news operation. And to think it
was all accomplished simply by subtracting the brains and doubling
the poor taste.
Sadly, unlike Pinocchio, in the media world it is egos and
paychecks rather than noses that grow with each accumulated fib.
Truthfully, if there were any justice in the world, what tourists
would hear when they walked past the Newseum in Washington, D.C.
(the gallery that “tells the timeless story of news, of many voices
struggling to be heard, and of the people and machines that spread
that news”) would be the sound of naughty reporters braying like
Pleasure Island donkeys.
IN HIS EARLIER WORK, Bowman defined honor, distilled to its
essence, as “the good opinion of the people who matter to us, and
who matter because we regard them as a society of equals who have
the power to judge our behavior.” This is manifestly not the milieu
in which the modern media operate. Indeed, the only way the media
feel they can properly establish the authority necessary to remain
professionally and commercially viable these days is to convince
themselves and us that this society of equals is a sham.
“The cheapest and easiest way to appear intelligent is to claim
to be the possessor of knowledge that is not obvious,” Bowman
writes, “and so is beyond the capacity of those ordinary folks who
judge things by appearances.” This is their bread and butter.
Appearances can, of course, sometimes be deceiving. Actually, for
the media as currently configured appearances must be deceiving. It
is a matter of survival, and, thus, the aberration absolutely must
become an article of faith. The denizens of the media never stop to
ponder whether there mightn’t be some degree of cognitive
dissonance in placing themselves— fallible human beings, no?—as the
ultimate determiners of What Is, What Is Not and, most importantly
for today’s Americans, Who Is to Blame. This supremacy—the “ability
to define reality according to its own beliefs and assumptions”—is
essential, Bowman writes, for once defined “it becomes easy for
[the media] to assume that it must be the politicians”—or any other
dissenters—“who are out of touch with reality, not themselves.”
Walter Cronkite, for example, had no qualms about declaring in a
column: “We are inclined to side with the powerless rather than the
powerful. If that is what makes us liberals so be it, just as long
as in reporting the news we adhere to the first ideals of good
journalism—that news reports must be fair, accurate and unbiased.”
This was generally taken in the mainstream press as a sensible,
unremarkable comment. No one asked how Cronkite defined “the
powerful,” or “we,” or asked him whether “the powerful” might not
occasionally be something other than fanged demons menacing all
that is good in the world.
It would be interesting to see how those same self-appointed
arbiters of fairness would react if a high-profile conservative or
libertarian journalist said, as they probably frequently do in
liberals’ fevered nightmares, “You know what? I’m more inclined to
side with the powerful over the powerless, but my coverage of
economic and environmental issues is going to be totally fair,
accurate and unbiased. Trust me!” Something tells me such a
reporter would not be allowed in the mainstream media clubhouse,
never mind have his reporting taken seriously or advance up the old
corporate ladder.
UUNFORTUNATELY, MEDIA MADNESS is a symbiotic disorder. Vast
swaths of the public seem cheerful enough about infotainment
replacing religion as the opiate of the masses, peddled by
reporters who believe intellectualism means scuttling common sense
in favor of 24/ 7 conspiracy theories shot in stark black and
white. Who is going to stop the excesses now that the pattern has
been set? Even as the media insist only an independent, outside
force such as themselves can truly police government and industry,
they’ve simultaneously convinced us that they’ll just go ahead and
patrol their own boundaries thank-you-very-much.
Predictably, Bowman dissents: