When James Carville insisted in 1992 that the Clinton campaign
should pound home its message that President George H.W. Bush had
mishandled the economy, he wasn’t laying down a marker for all
time that the economy is always the best presidential campaign
issue. Instead, he was astutely insisting that his campaign focus
on his opponent’s greatest weakness.
But sometimes the most pressing issue isn’t the best issue to
press — because it’s not the one where your candidate can draw
the best distinction with the opponent.
That’s the situation John McCain finds himself in today. Yes, in
Carvillian language, today’s biggest issue is indeed “the
economy, stupid.” But John McCain talks about the
economy no more convincingly than a hippopotamus dances ballet.
And while Barack Obama’s economic prescriptions are about as
wrongheaded as Linda Blair mid-spin in The Exorcist, he
at least sounds quite cogent and reasonable (until you actually
think about it) when discussing them. Yes, the McCain campaign
needs to find a way to undermine Obama’s current polling edge on
the economy, but the only thing “stupid” would be an attempt at a
head-on assault from McCain’s position of weakness on the issue.
McCain’s a military man. He should know that it’s best to attack
from strength to weakness, not the other way around. Sometimes
that requires a flanking maneuver.
The way to undermine Obama’s apparent (if unearned) credibility
on the economy is to undermine his credibility, period. Make
Obama’s worldview in general anathema, and you make his economic
worldview anathema. And the way to do that is to place Obama
outside the common culture, while rooting McCain firmly within
it.
Yes, absent another national security surprise, “culture” is the
best, indeed the only potentially effective, battleground
available for McCain to fight on. It’s a battleground on which
Obama is extraordinarily vulnerable.
Without putting it as bluntly as this sentence does, McCain’s
campaign must pound home the message, in a coherent way, that
Obama is not “one of us” — meaning that he is estranged from,
not part of, middle America. And the way to make that message
relevant is to say that when times are tough it is not any one
economic theory that will get Americans through the crisis, but
rather that it is our American-ness, our exceptionalism, our
national character that guarantees that we shall overcome.
McCAIN IS SKILLED, utterly convincing, at carrying this message.
His best moments in Tuesday’s debate came when he said that
“America is the greatest force for good in the history of the
world,” and when he answered the last question by saying, “I know
what it’s like to have to fight to keep one’s hope going through
difficult times. I know what it’s like to rely on others for
support and courage and love in tough times. I know what it’s
like to have your comrades reach out to you and your neighbors
and your fellow citizens and pick you up and put you back in the
fight. That’s what America’s all about. I believe in this
country. I believe in its future. I believe in its greatness.”
Obama, though, sneers at the culture of middle America. Obama is
the one who said that working-class Americans “get bitter, they
cling to guns or religion as a way to explain their
frustrations.” It was Obama whose own autobiography portrays
himself not as somebody who transcends race but somebody who
wallows in it, somebody not integrationist but separationist,
somebody who sees white people not as able to be redeemed of
racism but as people to whom racism was endemic.
“The other race would always remain just that: menacing, alien,
and apart,” he wrote.
Obama is the one who went to Germany and proclaimed himself “a
fellow citizen of the world” while apologizing that the United
States has “struggled to keep the promise of liberty and equality
for all of our people” as “our actions around he world have not
lived up to our best intentions.” Somehow, though, middle
Americans won’t quite cotton to a presidential candidate assuming
the responsibility or right to apologize to foreigners for our
country’s supposed sins.
Obama is the one — The One! — so arrogant that he said his own
nomination would be “the moment when we began to provide care for
the sick and good jobs to the jobless; this was the moment when
the rise of the oceans began to slow and our planet began to
heal….” So arrogant, too, so presumptuous, that he designed his
own presidential seal.
Also, a person in concert with our culture does not, as Obama
did, start his political career in the house of and serve in
co-leadership, closely consultative roles on two boards with the
founder of a domestic terrorist organization, while using the
boards to funnel money to groups that promoted racially
separatist and other radical educational causes.
It is not enough to say that the former terrorist had somehow
become a respected member of the community — not when that
terrorist remains so radical that even to this day, at least 13
years (and as many as 20 years) after Obama began his association
with him, he defends his long-ago bombings and praises those who
attack the United States.
Those boards also gave money to the church Obama attended for 20
years, a church whose pastor from the start told Obama (in
Obama’s own words in his autobiography) that life for a black man
in America “probably never will be” safe and who spewed hatred
from whites and America from his pulpit; and also to a radical
American pro-Palestinian group.
Obama has praised the radical, hate-spewing Catholic priest
Michael Pfleger. His wife has said she was never proud of America
until her husband started winning presidential primaries. And
they together have accepted what amounted to a real-estate gift
from their state’s most notorious convicted influence peddler.
What’s worse is that Obama would impose his culture on the rest
of us, through judges that go beyond the text of the Constitution
to give legal status to their own expressions of “empathy.”
Empathy for the criminals, like the terrorist Bill Ayers, who go
free on a technicality. Empathy for the people offended by a
Christmas tree on the public square. Empathy for the 13-year-old
who doesn’t want to inform her mother about the abortion she is
procuring, even though her mother would have to give approval for
any other surgery for the daughter. Empathy for the student so
offended by the presence of Army ROTC on campus that he demands
that ROTC be banned. Empathy for the father offended that his
child is exposed to the Pledge of Allegiance in school. Empathy
for the horrible brute sentenced to death for the grisly rape of
a little girl.
Oh, wait — Obama says he himself did not approve of the decision
outlawing the death penalty for child rapists. But that hardly
exonerates him: Every one of the Supreme Court justices he says
he admires, and who would be his models for future appointments,
decided on their own authority that the death penalty, even for a
grisly child rapist, violates their own standards of decency.
Finally, of course — and this is an issue McCain’s campaign
should mention every hour of every day between now and the
election — Obama was the only member of the Illinois state
senate so radically dismissive of human life that he spoke on the
senate floor against a bill mandating care for babies who
survived “botched” abortions. Obama’s position was beyond
despicable; it was monstrous. It puts him so far outside of the
mainstream of American culture that he might as well be in his
own moral desert.
EVERY ONE OF THESE issues is an indicator of culture. Every one
of them is an indicator that Obama himself can’t possibly
empathize with most of us as we struggle with an economic crisis,
because he not only misunderstands how we feel and how we see the
world but also has contempt for our very point of view.
“Look,” McCain could say. “My friends, we have tough times ahead.
But we will survive because Americans know how to pull together
and because we know the value of hard work and voluntary
community spirit, and because we have a native toughness. We will
pull together not because some orator with a smooth, deep voice
cites some pie-in-the-sky economic theory, but because we know
how to roll up our sleeves, trust each other, and get the job
done. My opponent doesn’t share our faith in ourselves and our
common culture. My opponent thinks bureaucrats in Washington know
best. But we know better. My friends, we know better. We know
that we don’t need Washington to serve as a national community
organizer pushing newfangled theories and taxing us to do it; we
know that our communities can organize on our own, if only we use
our common values to rebuild the real economy of real goods and
real services.
“And when we go to church for sustenance, we won’t be blaming our
country or clinging to our religions out of bitterness. We’ll be
going there because we know that ‘perseverance produces
character, and character, hope, and hope does not disappoint us.’
“Hope does not disappoint us, because of our faith — and because
we are Americans.”
