Palin did well in last night's debate. It is because of three things. One is that the scrutiny of moderator Gwen Ifill's ethics forced her to blunt any harder questions. I'd be curious to see what got scrapped. Two is that Joe Biden had to be careful what he said to a woman. He handled that well. Third is most important: expectations were low, thanks to a condescending Charlie Gibson interview, and most definitely thanks to a condescending Katie Couric interview. This last is most interesting, because it points to a larger failure of Couric and other reporters to "get the story." So Katie Couric deserves gratitude for allowing her own airs to win a debate for the GOP. More on that in a moment.
Prior to last night, the bipartisan conventional wisdom (such as it is in the beltway) was that Palin had energized the base, but after a few bad interviews, was about to be the McCain campaign's albatross. Yet it was fairly clear from the start of the show that the Alaskan governor has put to rout all the claims on both sides that she is an embarrassment. She, a hockey mom, small town mayor, and amateur governor, was able to compete with the biggest mouth in the Senate, a lawyer, a 35-year politician. There's nothing embarrassing about that. (Not for her, anyway.)
Biden himself avoided the major gaffes and policy detours that are his hallmark. Shockingly, he never went after Palin, sticking only to McCain. Smart.
NOW, DEBATES don't decide anything, especially the vice presidential debate. They're not even real debates. From the first primary debate onward, these spectacles have only been opportunities for candidates to expand on the slogans they bandy about on the campaign trail. Strangely, these may well be a better method of getting to know candidates than sit-down interviews with candidates. I have in mind Katie Couric's interview which has been hailed by both sides as an embarrassment for Palin. That could be true, but the debate performance makes me only think that it was more a failure of Couric.
A popular theme is that the press alone is in a position to vet the presidential candidates, particularly in sit-down interviews. (MSNBC's David Shuster said so to me in one TV exchange.) Of course, it's primarily circulated by the press, so at least killing the messenger also kills the source. This is tempting, because whenever I consider that my own decision-making process hinges on Katie Couric's reportorial know-how, I feel a little ill.
From
Ann Althouse:
Couric: Are there Supreme Court decisions you disagree with?Biden: You know, I'm the guy who wrote the Violence Against Women Act. And I said that every woman in America, if they are beaten and abused by a man, should be able to take that person to court - meaning you should be able to go to federal court and sue in federal court the man who abused you if you can prove that abuse. But they said, "No, that a woman, there's no federal jurisdiction." And I held, they acknowledged, I held about 1,000 hours of hearings proving that there's an effect in interstate commerce.
Women who are abused and beaten and beaten are women who are not able to be in the work force. And the Supreme Court said, "Well, there is an impact on commerce, but this is federalizing a private crime and we're not going to allow it." I think the Supreme Court was wrong about that decision.
I'm no big fan of Katie Couric (see my article of one year ago, "Katie Couric At One Year; Somebody Fire Her" for a nuanced perspective), but I'm especially not a fan when I see someone who has an upside-down journalistic sensibility. You're supposed to question authority and get an understanding of the common life. A side by side comparison of these interviews shows quite a bit of respect for authority, and a bucket of contempt for common life.
One could not glean from the questions Couric offers that she has any sense of perspective. Citizen-politicians' stock in trade is more character and aptitude than expertise and political clout. Couric's used to establishment types. But they're different animals that should be handled differently, just as it would be strange to ask a man what it's like to be a woman.
Obama's been treated as a citizen-politician, for example, but as David Freddoso's book has shown, he's far more establishment. If the interviews he's done treated him that way, he might have fared worse, as he would have had to address the small bits of his career that have raised eyebrows, from Jeremiah Wright onward.
George W. Bush was pitched as a citizen-politician, but the son of a dynastic political family is no such creature. Clinton, in all his conniving and Machiavellian devices, might be considered one. Reagan, whose career was made elsewhere from politics, might be too.
Citizen-politicians are different from populists. They serve because they have a vision, but they understand the limitations of public office. They can be jarring to elites because they lack expertise and provincially (but most times wholesomely) tend to prefer to stay away from the leisure activities of the powerful.
SOMETIMES elites can favor the citizen-politician or the common man image. Thomas Jefferson certainly did, as did Andrew Jackson. When politicians run for office, they go out of their way to show us how they're just one of us. Jon Grinspan, in an article in the October issue of The American Spectator, discusses how William Henry Harrison defeated Martin Van Buren by deploying hard cider to the masses to show just how down to earth he could be.
It's puzzling to see, however, that the moment a person does walk onto the stage with that genuine, down-to-earth flair, she's dismissed as gimmicky and stupid. This is probably because those speaking to her haven't really tried to talk to someone like her in years. Katie Couric, who is a sort of common fun girly-girl caught up in this thing called a news show, reveals that sensibility when she shrinks from every opportunity to challenge Joe Biden.
When you interview such a person, obviously you don't do so with a feather duster for a microphone. But if you're really after the measure of the man (so to speak), you don't look to nail her on foreign policy stuff that no reasonable person would expect her to know as an Alaskan governor. Would you do that with Bill Clinton in 1992? Would you flunk him if he didn't have as firm a grasp? One looking for a better sense would ask about past experiences, and allow the audience to glean from the candidate's past judgment what that candidate might do in the future. Interviews have become an absurd exercise in careerist gotcha moments -- they serve more of a political purpose than they do give voters an opportunity to flesh out the views of a candidate.
Francesca De Stefano| 10.17.08 @ 11:51PM
Sarah Palin has been the McCain campaign's albatross. The Hillary voters McCain thought he could grab by cynically offering them a woman who could do double duty by appealing to the base saw through the ruse and many of them moved to Barak. And McCain's VP choice made McCain look impulsive, a quality sometimes useful to heroes, not so much to presidents. Blaming the media for Palin's failure to appear to be someone most of the country would have confidence in as possible presidential material is convenient, but fails to recognize Palin's very real limitations. Refusing to answer questions in a debate, and continuing to repeat talking points instead, along with that ridiculous winking behavior, failed to legitimize her in the eyes of the majority of undecided voters.