Oh, where to begin?
How does one construct an essay when one sees the national
government rapidly turning this country into a nation with which
one is just not familiar? I mean, this isn’t America anymore…. Is
it? Could it possibly be? Is this the nation with a limited
government designed by James Madison and his brilliant cohorts?
At a Sept. 22 speech sponsored by Madison’s Montpelier, George
Will rightly condemned “our abandonment of the sense of balance and
restraint and realism.” He said that one of Madison’s overriding
purposes was to “prevent the fleeting passions from becoming
law.”
Will was speaking in general terms rather than about one
particular issue. But what Washington lawmakers are doing with this
immense Wall Street bailout fills Will’s bill: It is an utter
abandonment of balance and restraint and a capitulation to fleeting
passions. It represents a massive aggregation of power by the
federal government, and within the federal government by the
Department of the Treasury. It is a massive interference in the
market when far less massive interference might do the trick. It is
a manifestation of sheer panic when calm and considered action —
fairly swift action, yes, but not precipitous — is called for.
The Bush White House, always fond of demanding its way or the
highway, presented Congress with an ultimatum: Accept this basic
framework for a bailout, and none other, or financial
Armageddon will ensue. And at first the word was that the
Armageddon would occur if the bailout weren’t finished within about
four days.
Four days came, and four days went, with no Armageddon. But then
the administration said A-Day would happen within the week. Didn’t
happen. Then it would arrive if Congress voted down the plan on
Monday. Didn’t happen. The stock market dropped like a rock — and
then it recovered five eighths of its ground the very next day.
All the while, other actors — bureaucrats, which in
this case is an honorific rather than an insult — continued to
take smaller steps to help the market absorb the credit crunch.
Without a greater accretion of power, the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation stepped in to help stem the panic. So did the
Securities and Exchange Commission. So did the Federal Reserve. All
of them helped. And more can be done, within existing
authority.
The point here is not to celebrate the bureaucratic state, but
only to note that the bureaucratic state already is large enough
and powerful enough to handle parts of this crisis. It doesn’t need
to get much bigger.
OF COURSE CONGRESS and the White House should try to stop an
economic collapse. Of course some prompt action is required. But
the headlong rush to judgment we’ve seen these past two weeks has
been an embarrassment. Newt Gingrich said at a Tuesday press
conference that there are, almost certainly, literally “thousands”
of good ideas out there about how to stave off economic collapse —
without such a massive concentration of power, without so much risk
to taxpayers, without setting a dangerous precedent that turns the
state into Leviathan.
Matters got worse when, after principled House members of the
right and left combined to slow down the legislative stampede, the
Senate decided to collectively play mob boss. By attaching this
incredibly important and deservedly controversial bailout bill to
not one but two utterly unrelated bills — one on mental health,
and one on tax policy — the Senate stole the House’s
constitutional prerogative to originate all revenue bills, used
extraneous items as both bribe and blackmail to force the House’s
hand, and muddied waters that needed clarifying. On legislation so
momentous, the public deserves a clean vote, not one obfuscated by
parliamentary maneuvering and by the fog of unrelated issues. If a
lawmaker is to vote for such a bailout, he ought to be held
accountable for deciding the bailout question itself, alone, up or
down — without being rewarded with the ability to hang his
explanation for his vote on the presence in the bill of other
matters.
What the Senate leadership concocted was an atrocity, an utter
derailment of the Madisonian tradition. It was the work of
bullyboys, of two-bit legislative gangsters, not of statesmen. The
House ought to stand up for its own prerogatives — not for its own
sake, but for the sake of the constitutional order and for the sake
of fairness, accountability, and basic decency — and shove the
legislation right back down the Senate’s throats.
Meanwhile, the presidential campaign is marred, on one side, by
a radical and utterly unaccomplished leftist ideologue joined by a
serial plagiarist and exaggerator, and on the other side by a man
temperamentally unsuited to the presidency joined by a running mate
of high character but embarrassingly low familiarity with national
affairs of state.
Yes, this is bad. Actually, awful.
THE GOOD NEWS — and as Reaganites, we must always search for
something good, something real to build on, no matter how small —
is that the past two months have seen a new generation of
conservative leaders start to come of age. First in the fight for
offshore drilling, and then in their principled attempts to improve
and/or oppose the bailout, a group of House and Senate members have
distinguished themselves not just with their principles but also
with their ability to put those principles to effective and
honorable use.
Knowing that I’ll leave out some key players who deserve more
recognition, and apologizing in advance for unintentionally doing
so, I must include on that list of rising stars U.S. Reps. Mike
Pence, John Shadegg, Paul Ryan, Jeb Hensarling, Thaddeus McCotter,
Marsha Blackburn, Michele Bachmann, Eric Cantor, Louie Gohmert,
Pete Hoekstra, Tim Walberg, Tom Feeney, Scott Garrett, Kevin
McCarthy, Marilyn Musgrave, and Steve Scalise. There are assuredly
dozens more. In the Senate, meanwhile, South Carolina’s Jim DeMint
has been particularly principled and savvy.
They can reach out, too, to Democrats who keep an open mind even
if not philosophically in tune. Georgia’s Jim Marshall is a man of
principle. Alabama’s Artur Davis had the grace this week to
apologize for having been wrong a couple of years ago about the
safety of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. And of course Joe Lieberman,
liberal as he is on domestic issues, is a man of immense character
as well.
But these stars will need every bit of support they can muster,
and the steady assistance of less vocal men of integrity (Alabama’s
Jo Bonner is one), if they are to overcome the currents of statism
above statesmanship and of legerdemain above leadership.
This nation faces some rocky times. Very rocky. Thank goodness
these new leaders are there to help us through them. Pray that
their numbers increase. We’ll need them.
