Polls in late October showed Sen. Hillary Clinton comfortably
leading the Democratic presidential field. For all his talk of
“hope” and “change,” Sen. Barack Obama was trailing Hillary by ten
points in the most recent Iowa poll, and the “inevitability”
argument was still on the side of the front-running former First
Lady.
And then Tim Russert asked a simple question.
“Senator Clinton, Governor of New York Eliot Spitzer has
proposed giving driver’s licenses to illegal immigrants,” the NBC
host said in an Oct. 30 Democratic debate at Philadelphia’s Drexel
University. “You told the Nashua, New Hampshire editorial board it
makes a lot of sense. Why does it make a lot of sense to give an
illegal immigrant a driver’s license?”
Those three sentences — 46 words — arguably transformed the
entire campaign. Clinton’s initial answer was evasive, saying that
Spitzer’s plan was an attempt to “fill the vacuum” created by the
failure of Congress to enact “comprehensive immigration
reform.”
Russert then asked the other candidates for a show of hands:
“Does anyone here believe an illegal immigrant should not have a
driver’s license?” Connecticut Sen. Christopher Dodd was the only
taker, saying that a driver’s license is not a right, but a
privilege, and one that should not be extended to people who are
not here legally.
Hillary then attempted to clarify her stance: “I just want to
add, I did not say that it should be done, but I certainly
recognize why Governor Spitzer is trying to do it.”
This set off a back-and-forth between Clinton and Dodd, until
Russert rephrased his original question: “Senator Clinton, I just
want to make sure what I heard. Do you, the New York Senator
Hillary Clinton, support the New York governor’s plan to give
illegal immigrants a driver’s license?”
Again, Clinton’s answer was, well, Clintonian. She accused
Russert of playing “gotcha,” said “George Bush has failed,” and
ended with another reference to the immigration reform that had
been rejected by the Senate.
THE EPISODE — a little more than three minutes long in the YouTube
video clips that were viewed by tens of thousands — was classic
Russert.
A direct question, requiring a direct answer, is a nightmare for
politicians engaged in the all-too-common game of blurring the
distinctions on difficult issues. Pinning down Clinton on the
illegal immigration issue, Russert employed a technique he’d
mastered in more than 750 hours of Meet the Press
broadcasts since 1991.
Russert had the longest tenure as MTP host during the
six-decade history of the program. In the six years prior to
Russert’s arrival in the job, NBC had tried four different
professional TV newsmen — including Roger Mudd, Marvin Kalb,
Garrick Utley and Chris Wallace — to fill the host’s chair. None
succeeded like the ex-politico from Buffalo, New York.
The show, as befitted its name, had originated as a televised
half-hour press conference, with a panel of journalists
interrogating a political guest. Under Russert’s tenure, the format
was expanded to a full hour, with the host as the sole
questioner.
At first, there was no indication of Russert’s future emergence
as the undisputed Sunday news-show king. MTP had been
eclipsed in the ratings by David Brinkley’s This Week on
ABC, and the addition of Russert did not reverse that situation
until after Brinkley’s retirement in 1996.
What ultimately made Russert famous — and his show such a
ratings success, averaging some 4 million viewers weekly — was his
trademark technique of requiring guests to confront their own prior
statements on controversial issues
He’d introduce a video clip of something the guest had
previously said, roll tape, and ask his interviewees to defend,
abjure or explain their remarks.
Such an approach required research. Russert, who had been
Washington bureau chief for NBC before taking over the Sunday show,
was the on-camera point man for a team of diligent
behind-the-scenes researchers who helped prepare each
broadcast.
As the show regained its No. 1 status and Russert gained a
reputation as an aggressive interviewer, smart guests learned to
prepare as diligently for a Meet the Press appearance as
their host did.
Particularly in the case of political candidates, Russert’s show
was often a make-or-break moment.
RUSSERT WAS NOT without his critics. A Democrat born-and-bred, he’d
spent eight years as a partisan operative for New York Sen. Daniel
Patrick Moynihan and Gov. Mario Cuomo before passing through
Washington’s notorious revolving door into a job at NBC in
1984.
Like other Democratic operatives (including ABC’s George
Stephanopoulos and NBC’s Chris Matthews) who have made similar
moves, the ease with which Russert went from party hack to newsman
was cited as evidence of the media’s liberal bias.
Certainly, Republicans had no reason to consider Russert a
sympathetic voice, although in later years he was often slammed by
liberal bloggers and the left-wing “watchdogs” at Media Matters.
Not even efforts at left-wing sites to enforce a respectful decorum
for a fellow, recently departed Democrat could stop DailyKos
diarist Beth Singleton from venting, “if Tim Russert is the pillar of
journalism that he’s being hailed as in all these gushing reports,
then journalism is in even worse shape than we thought” and opining
that Russert’s “performance as moderator of the Democratic
candidate debate will forever remain a sad embarrassment and one of
the low points of television.”
Less often criticized was how Russert cultivated his public
persona as a blue-collar Regular Guy, with his sentimental tributes
to his father (“Big Russ”) and on-air salutes to the NFL’s Buffalo
Bills.
Such flaunting of his working-class roots was an effective
publicity gimmick, a way of signaling to viewers that — despite
his multimillion-dollar salary and nearly 25 years as a fixture
among the capital’s media elite — he wasn’t really part of the
inside-the-Beltway crowd.
His chummy chats with frequent Meet the Press guests,
like Republican operative Mary Matalin and her reptilian spouse,
James Carville, should have sent quite the opposite message. There
was also a lot of insider chumminess in the tributes from his media
colleagues after Russert died suddenly Friday from what doctors
diagnosed, too late, as a coronary thrombosis.
Yet if Russert’s Regular Guy image was in some sense calculated,
it contained an element of authenticity that resonated with
millions of viewers. TAS’s W. James Antle III was in an
airport Friday and noticed travelers gathered around TV screens watching
coverage of the death of Russert, who “connected with people in a
way that many of his more blow-dried colleagues didn’t.”
RUSSERT’S BLUE-COLLAR sensibility may explain why he, alone among
the questioners in this year’s Democratic presidential debates,
chose to raise immigration as a major issue. An open-borders stance
is almost de rigeur among the Washington elite, but is
decisively rejected by working-class voters outside the
Beltway.
On Oct. 30, Russert asked Clinton a straightforward question,
got an evasive answer, and then returned to ask the same question
again. Hillary never really recovered. By late November, American
Research Group — the same poll that had showed Clinton with a
10-point lead in Iowa prior to that fateful debate — showed her
two points behind Obama in Iowa, where he went on to a decisive win
in the Jan. 3 caucus.
Was this, as Clinton charged, a case of Russert playing
“gotcha”? Maybe. But he did, after all, get her good. As Russert
liked to say, let’s go to the tape:
The debacle of this president’s administration is both a cause
and a symptom of the decline of American values. Unless Congress
impeaches him, that decline will go on unchecked. An eminent jurist
surveys the damage and assesses the chances for the recovery of our
culture.
The American Christmas, like the songs that celebrate it,
makes room for everybody under the rainbow. Is that why so
many people seem to be hostile to it?