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The radicalization of mainline Protestant institutions was further accelerated by the social upheavals of the '60s and '70s. (One United Methodist pastor friend of that generation recently told me about receiving academic credit in seminary for participation in protest marches.)
But while many conservative United Methodists have left for greener denominational pastures, many others are staying in and working to take their church back from its decades of liberal dominance. Powerful demographic factors appear to bode well for the prospects of a successful turnaround of United Methodism. The denomination has much stronger historical ties and a much stronger modern presence than other mainline Protestant denominations in culturally conservative Southern and rural parts of the country. Generally speaking, the denomination's more liberal-dominated areas are losing members (and thus influence within the denomination) more rapidly than other portions of the denomination.
It is not terribly surprising that liberal churches would have trouble growing when they downplay the importance of evangelism, or that they would struggle to even maintain their membership when they offer no greater answer to people's deepest spiritual longings than opportunities to sign eco-feminism manifestos or listen to stale platitudes about "peace and justice" (invariably defined as reflexive endorsement of the secular Left's political priorities of the day).
Perhaps most significantly, while the U.S.-based denomination
continues to shrink in this country, it is growing rapidly in
Africa. Now constituting one-third of the denomination's
membership, African members
are passionate about evangelism and excited about the church
working to directly provide for pressing human needs.
The Africans tend to have little patience for the theological and biblical revisionism of much of the U.S. United Methodist establishment and little use for barely read, hastily adopted, and quickly forgotten pronouncements by leftist church officials on domestic U.S. political concerns.
AT THIS GENERAL CONFERENCE, the church's liberal activist wing
failed to demonstrate the firm control one would expect from
decades of dominance. One of their top priorities, for the church
to pursue "divestment"
against Israel, was overwhelmingly rejected.
While the denomination's official position on abortion has been
pro-choice since 1972, it has been inching in a more pro-life
direction since. This General Conference overwhelmingly adopted
statements (over
opposition from liberal leaders) that describe abortion as
"violent," oppose abortions chosen for "trivial reasons," and that
"affirm and encourage the Church to assist the ministry of crisis
pregnancy centers and pregnancy resource centers that
compassionately help women find feasible alternatives to
abortion."
And on the most prominent point of conservative-liberal struggle, the General Conference decisively voted to maintain its statement that homosexual practice is "inconsistent with Christian teaching" and the related prohibitions on same-sex union ceremonies and the ordination of "self-avowed, practicing homosexuals."
While few within or without the United Methodist Church would be aware of them, the radical political resolutions adopted at this General Conference are not particularly new phenomena. The concerted efforts by conservative and moderate U.S. members with the denomination's growing African constituency are relatively new and only likely to intensify in the future.
John Lomperis is a research associate for the Institute on Religion and Democracy.
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