By Tom Bethell on 3.21.08 @ 1:10AM
Yes, we do need a national dialogue on race.
Ever since Barack Obama delivered his much praised but
inadequate race speech on Tuesday, the editorialists have been
telling us how much we need a national dialogue on the subject.
Right. It's high time. So here's my contribution:
Rev. Jeremiah Wright's remarks about America were the worst
things said about my adopted country since I came here from England
in 1962. Louis Farrakhan and Malcolm X are not in the same league
as this champion of race hatred from Chicago. Imagine if Senator
John McCain had for years been a member of a church where a white
pastor said that blacks should go back to Africa where they came
from. And McCain were to respond: Well, I disagree with his remarks
and I reject what he said but I won't disassociate myself from him,
because he has been so important to my life. McCain would be out of
the race in the blink of an eye. Yet Obama has not felt the need to
distance himself from Pastor Wright.
The New York Times has praised Obama's speech as a
"profile in courage." That is baloney -- reflecting the gross
double standard that has prevailed for decades on the subject of
race. The underlying problem is that the liberals who still control
so much of the debate quietly agree with much of what Wright
said.
Here's my background on this. I came to America in the first
place because I was enamored of New Orleans jazz. The best of the
pioneers were almost all black. I wanted to meet these men, some of
whom were still living when I first went to New Orleans. I wrote a
book about a jazz clarinetist named George Lewis. He was not just
black but dark black. There was no white mother or grandmother in
his background.
One of the things he told me that I never forgot was that the
worst discrimination he ever encountered in the city was from the
light-skinned "Creoles," or mulattoes, who considered themselves
superior to their darker-skinned brethren. If George played at
their clubs and wanted a drink of water he was denied a regular
glass but was told to drink out of a jam jar. Years later, in about
1995, I mentioned this little discussed aspect of race relations to
Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas. He gave me a look of
recognition, smiled and said he knew exactly what George Lewis was
talking about.
One lesson we might like to draw is that people with mixed-race
background probably do find it harder to "go beyond" issues of race
than those who are either black or white.
In my first dozen years in America, I was a conventional
liberal. I remember exactly the moment when that began to change. A
story in the Times-Picayune described the DeFunis case,
which came before the Supreme Court in 1974. Marco DeFunis had sued
the University of Washington Law School because their admission
policy had promoted less qualified blacks over whites. I knew that
this was un-American and contrary to the whole tradition of
equality before the law. In the end, the case was declared moot
because DeFunis was admitted anyway. Then, in 1978, the Court
narrowly ruled in the Allan Bakke case that whites indeed could be
discriminated against and equality before the law wasn't really the
law after all.
Anti-white discrimination has been legal in this country for 30
years now, even though it is politically unpopular and goes down to
defeat when voters are given a voice in the matter.
THE TRUTH IS THAT the African-American establishment benefits from
the current system of affirmative action and racial preferences.
They feel ennobled by their victim status. White liberals like this
arrangement, too, because the cultivation of victimhood and the
arousal of guilt feelings is their stock in trade -- practically
their raison d'etre. The New York Times' Nicholas Kristof
sought to excuse Pastor Wright's mendacious claims that the U.S.
government engineered HIV as a death-dealing weapon against blacks.
Maybe 30 percent of blacks believe that, Kristof wrote, in
extenuation. Perhaps it's time to expose the lies that black
leaders spread within their own communities, and not excuse
them.
When liberals tell us we need a debate about race what they mean
is that they would like to hear no more about Pastor Wright (and
indeed he appears to have been packed off to Africa for the
duration).
Obama indicated in his speech that he understands how some
whites are resentful of racial preferences. Indeed they are, and
this liberal initiative is the principal cause of race conflict
today. But does this really bother Obama? If it does, he should
state forthrightly that the time for affirmative action is passed.
Alternatively, he should say that blacks still need this legal
privilege.
In all those Democratic debates, I don't think one journalist
asked Obama to disclose his current thinking on this topic. But as
recently as 2006, he was foursquare behind racial preferences.
Geraldine Ferraro's comment that Obama has been the beneficiary of
race even as he masquerades as its victim was on target. Obama's
attempt to equate that comment with the outrages of the irreverent
Wright was just further chicanery from him. Good for Geraldine for
refusing to be equated with the "racist bigot," "spewing hatred"
from Chicago.
Memo to George Stephanopoulos and Tim Russert: Ask Obama if it's
time to abandon racial preferences. And don't let him wriggle free.
Tom Sowell has pointed out that Obama's voting record is entirely
consistent with support for the "grievance culture" that Pastor
Wright appeals to. Obama, in fact, "has been leading as much of a
double life as Eliot Spitzer," Sowell added.
I JUST READ A MEALY-MOUTHED article by the Washington
Post's Dan Balz ("Will the Answer Outlive the Questions?"). He
quoted three "Democratic analysts" who point out that Wright's
comments could hurt Obama in November. What was significant was
that not one of these analysts went on the record. This shows that
we do indeed need a debate about race. The real problem is that
it's the liberals who don't want to debate it, probably because
they know they would lose.
Prediction: This Obama episode will once more show how the new
technology is transforming political debate. Balz conveyed in his
piece that the Washington Post will be good soldiers and
won't do anything more than absolutely necessary to upset the race
industry, of which the Post is a part. But how could the
web and the blogs and e-mail be controlled? That's what bothered
Dan Balz.
"The danger," he wrote, as though he were already on the Obama
team, "is that what might last are the images of his Chicago pastor
-- edited and reedited into television ads, YouTube videos and an
endless stream of e-mails delivered quietly into the computers of
millions of Americans."
Delivered right into our homes! The good news is that the
mainstream media no longer control the political debate. That
indeed is the danger for Obama.
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