By John Tabin on 1.9.08 @ 12:57AM
So how did Hillary pull it off, Ed Muskie tears and all?
So how did she do it? How did Hillary Clinton defy Barack
Obama's double-digit lead in the New Hampshire polls and pull out a
victory yesterday? Hindsight being 20/20, we can now see that she
had a few things going for her.
Iowa Backlash. New Hampshire isn't
particularly apt to follow Iowa's lead. The Iowa caucuses have
preceded the New Hampshire primaries since 1972 on the Democratic
side and since 1976 on the Republican side, and the former has
never proven particularly predictive of the latter. Not counting
contests when incumbent presidents were on the ballot, Democratic
candidates have won both Iowa and New Hampshire in four out of
eight races, counting this year. (The double-winners were Ed Muskie
in 1972, Jimmy Carter in 1976, Al Gore in 2000, and John Kerry in
2004; only Carter went on to win the presidency.)
On the Republican side, a non-incumbent has never won
Iowa and gone on to win New Hampshire. Many in the Granite State
approach the idea that they should follow Iowa's lead with the
contempt best summed up by John Sununu's declaration that "in Iowa
they pick corn; in New Hampshire we pick presidents." Obama's
coronation in the media -- most notably on the cover of
Newsweek -- almost certainly stoked a contrarian instinct
in some New Hampshire voters.
The Bradley Effect. Named for Tom
Bradley, the Los Angeles mayor who narrowly lost the 1982 race for
California governor despite a lead in the polls, this is the
tendency of black candidates to under-perform their poll numbers.
Whether because of closet racism or a more innocent reluctance to
appear politically incorrect, a statistically significant number of
voters often tell pollsters they'll vote for a black candidate, but
turn around and vote for a white opponent in the privacy of the
ballot box.
The effect seems to have diminished in recent election
cycles, but may have played a role in New Hampshire. (Likewise, it
may be that the open format of the Iowa Democratic caucuses led to
a "Reverse Bradley Effect.")
The Reverse-Muskie Effect. Sen. Ed
Muskie, the early frontrunner in the 1972 contest for the
Democratic nomination, was supposed to be a steady, competent
candidate. It was reported that, responding angrily to attacks on
his wife on the campaign trail in New Hampshire, he had cried. His
Rock-of-Gibraltar image was broken; those press reports helped
drive Muskie's campaign off the rails. But the age of Oprah isn't
1972, and Hillary Clinton isn't Ed Muskie. Being perceived to be
made of stone has been one of Sen. Clinton's major liabilities.
In her victory speech, Hillary offered this thank-you note to
New Hampshire: "Over the past week I listened to you, and in the
process I found my own voice." Footage of her tearing up on the
campaign trail was replayed almost continuously on local and
national news programs. Clinton campaign chairman Terry McAuliffe, among others, credits the humanizing
effect of Hillary's misty-eyed performance with rallying
late-deciding voters.
According to exit polls, 17% of voters in the Democratic race
decided who to vote for on the day of election; Hillary won a 39%
plurality of them.
The Clinton Machine. The Obama
campaign built a Get Out The Vote (GOTV) operation in Iowa that
matched Hillary's ground organization in Iowa. The importance of
the ground game is magnified in caucuses (because relatively few
voters are involved), and by raising turnout Obama (and, to some
extent, Edwards) were able to best Clinton.
But GOTV matters in New Hampshire, too, and Team Obama
apparently couldn't match Team Clinton on this front. Hillary had a
structural advantage here, and not just the support of her
husband's old allies: Because her New Hampshire base was centered
in Manchester, her team was probably able to focus their GOTV
effort on a more concentrated geographic area than Obama's.
The Democratic race isn't over, any more than the amazingly
fluid Republican race. In the coming weeks we'll see where else the
Clinton Machine can perform this smoothly. The only thing we can be
sure of: It will continue to be easier to spot the most important
variables the day after each primary election than it was the day
before.
topics:
Hillary Clinton