The American Spectator

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BEYOND HIS POTENTIAL TO WIN THE PRESIDENCY, there is the danger that Obama will be able to use his charisma to implement liberal policies once elected. For all of Bill Clinton's electoral successes and political talents, he never attempted to make a philosophical case for liberalism. Bill cared more about winning people's love than fighting ideological battles, and was perfectly content to abandon universal health care for welfare reform if it meant maintaining power. His declaration that "the era of big government is over" was an acknowledgment that he still was operating inside the box that Reagan had created. Furthermore, his messy personal life and scandal-plagued administration distracted from any legislative agenda.

Conservatives have long contemplated the nightmare of a Hillary Clinton presidency, but even if she were to make it to the White House, there would be a limit to how much she could accomplish. If she were to win, it would have to be by promising to govern as a moderate, so any attempt to drastically augment the size of the welfare state would make it very easy for conservatives to rally opposition to her liberal agenda. It is unlikely that her shrill voice, calculating nature, and disagreeable personality would win over any converts to her cause and thus she would have a difficult time realizing her policy ambitions.

Obama's voting record makes him one of the most liberal members of the Senate (to the left of Clinton, Russ Feingold, and even John Kerry, according the National Journal's most recent ratings). But Obama comes across as more likable, and he crafts his rhetoric carefully to make his ideas sound more moderate than they actually are. Unlike Bill Clinton, who also had a certain charisma, Obama has a strong family life and at this point it seems unlikely that there are any Paula Joneses or Monica Lewinskys in his closet to distract from his legislative ambitions. Also, Clinton faced a hostile Congress for the last six years of his presidency, but if Obama won, he would likely have the benefit of a Democratic-controlled legislative branch. (It's difficult to imagine a scenario in which Obama would win the presidency in 2008, while Republicans regain control of Congress.)

A quarter century ago, Ronald Reagan not only won the presidency, he won the argument, selling a generation of Americans on the virtues of individualism and limited government. Just as Reagan's sunny optimism portrayed conservatism in its most positive light, Obama puts a happy face on liberalism.

"[He has] perfect pitch, I think, for the mood of the country, which is a flinch from the rhetorical vitriol for the mood that is consuming this town, "George Will said of Obama on ABC's This Week. "He's a little like Ronald Reagan in this regard: Reagan used to drive people crazy, in the Democratic Party, because they'd say the public doesn't agree with him on this or this or this or this, and they vote for him. They voted for him because they said we like him, he's not off putting, he's not frightening. And I think this is another 1980."

p>In his book The Audacity of Hope , Obama writes that while he disagreed with Reagan's policies he "understood his appeal." He continues: br> /p>

Reagan spoke to America's longing for order, our need to believe that we are not simply subject to blind, impersonal forces but that we can shape our individual and collective destinies, so long as we rediscover the traditional values of hard work, patriotism, personal responsibility, optimism, and faith.

That Reagan's message found such a receptive audience spoke not only to his skills as a communicator; it also spoke to the failures of liberal government, during a period of economic stagnation, to give middle-class voters a sense that it was fighting for them.

br> Politicians who advocate progressive policies by resorting to populism have had a tendency to come across as divisive and anti-business, and they have suffered at the ballot box as a result. Think of Al Gore's "people versus the powerful "refrain or John Edwards's "two Americas. "By contrast, in his highly touted speech to the 2004 Democratic National Convention, Obama's liberalism was inclusive, rooted in the American tradition, and exemplified by his life story.

He spoke of America as a "magical place" and said "in no other country on earth, is my story even possible." In a not too subtle rejoinder to Reagan, he ruminated that "people don't expect government to solve all their problems. But they sense, deep in their bones, that with just a slight change in priorities, we can make sure that every child in America has a decent shot at life, and that the doors of opportunity remain open to all."

In The Audacity of Hope, Obama expands on his vision. He buys into the narrative that Franklin D. Roosevelt saved capitalism from itself, and while acknowledging the importance of free markets, he argues that government has a role in addressing income inequality, improving education, and universalizing health care. Such goals would not hinder economic growth, he argues, but position us better to compete in a global economy. He deemphasizes race-specific policies, arguing that most of the problems minority groups face are ones confronted by most Americans.

Obama also perceptively argues against liberals' attempts to secularize society, realizing that appealing to faith is actually an effective way to advance progressive ideas. "Scrub language of all religious content, and we forfeit the imagery and terminology through which millions of Americans understand both their personal morality and social justice."

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