By Josiah Bunting on 2.15.07 @ 12:02AM
America is a great, successful military power that nonetheless dislikes war.
This article appeared in the December 2006/January
2007 issue of The American Spectator. To subscribe to our
monthly print edition, click here.
Don't Tread on Me: A 400-Year History of America
at War, From Indian Fighting to Terrorist Hunting
by H.W. Crocker III
(Crown Forum, 440 pages, $27.50)
ACADEMIA TENDS TO IGNORE military history and condescend to those
who write it. It occupies a fugitive place in the curriculum,
offered as an "elective," if appropriate professorial expertise is
available. The discipline's thin cohort of teachers is rarely
allowed onto the tenure track, and even more rarely granted
permanent appointments. There are a few exceptions. King's College,
London, has an undergraduate concentration in military history;
Oxford its Chichele Professorship in the History of War; the
University of Calgary -- Calgary! -- a strong program; a few
others. Occasionally a professor earns a reputation both for
meticulous scholarship and compelling narrative, a reputation of
such consequence that his university is proud to proclaim his
presence on the faculty: James McPherson, late of Princeton; James
Robertson at Virginia Tech. But these men are exceptions.
The reasons are not far to seek: few career academics have ever
served in the Armed Forces -- the country has had an all-volunteer
military since 1972, meaning no one under 55 has been called into
service against his (or her) will; most have opposed American uses
of force reflexively. And that societies must still sustain armies
to fight their wars, and that men and women willingly engage in
warfighting, appalls them. It is something they'd rather not think
about. This purblind attitude is the rough equivalent of a medical
school's unwillingness to teach the causes and treatments of, say,
pancreatic cancer.
For the lay public, to whom many professors also condescend,
military history retains its ancient, and ripe, fascination. In
Barnes & Noble, in Borders, in Blackwell's, military history
bookshelves sag with new titles and reissued classics. The best
practitioners of the craft -- Alex Danchev, Victor Davis Hanson,
John Keegan, Brooks Simpson, Geoffrey Perret -- command wide and
appreciative audiences. They are successors to -- for example --
Cecil Woodham-Smith, Elizabeth Longford (Wellington's biographer),
Shelby Foote; and before them Sir John Fortescue, Sir Winston
Churchill, the incomparable Douglas Southall Freeman. And though
neither David McCullough nor Joseph J. Ellis (nor David Hackett
Fischer) would consider himself a military historian, in writing
about their subjects' military phases and accomplishments, they
manage the rare achievement of combining exhaustive research
gracefully deployed in engaging, propulsive, narrative.
To their number should now be added H.W. Crocker III, whose new
military history of the United States, Don't Tread on Me,
is a magisterial, scintillating review of America's arms, armies,
and singular soldiers: from the days of Captain John Smith's
unrequited labors in Jamestown, to make soldiers of the "effete
young blades who... (expected to) make a leisured living off the
land and achieve easy riches by discovering gold or effortless
wealth," to the sublime gallantry of Navy SEAL Neil Roberts, who
fought his personal and private Alamo in Afghanistan, dying hard
and alone near the end of winter in 2002. Crocker's argument is
that America is a "country of practical, independent-minded people
shaped by the frontier, an ambitious and well-meaning people who
naturally carved out an empire of liberty."
Americans are very good at war: yet those of its soldier-heroes
who have sought war and actually liked it are few. Their
genius for war is usually disclosed in battles and campaigns not of
choice but of grim necessity. There are exceptions -- Patton for
one ("Oh God, I do love it so!") -- but not many: Patton, who
proclaimed that "all real Americans love to fight," reminding his
soldiers on the eve of the American invasion of Sicily that those
among them of Italian or German descent were bound to win mighty
victories over their Italian and German enemies -- since they, the
Americans, were descended from the braver and more adventurous
ancestors who had emigrated to America.
His native aptitudes for war apart, the military hero in
American history is commonly a reluctant practitioner of the
business for which his profession has trained him: Robert E. Lee
(subject of an earlier, brilliant Crocker biography), Sergeant
Alvin York, Omar Bradley -- supremely grateful for peace, and only
Lee among them with a true vocation for soldiering. Sergeant York,
yielding reluctantly to arguments that he had better
answer the draft and report for duty, astounds his mates in the
sodden gloom of the Argonne, in 1918, by methodically killing
dozens of Germans (with a single shot rifle) and capturing more
than a hundred others. When Omar Bradley was preparing new obstacle
courses and firing ranges at Fort Benning, in 1940, he called on
Sergeant York to come down and advise him how to do it most
usefully.
THROUGHOUT MODERN MILITARY HISTORY in the West the native genius
for improvisation, adaptability, and initiative makes the American
soldier nonpareil -- as does his democratic heritage -- as Victor
Davis Hanson has memorably celebrated: soldiers who know what they
are fighting for and who love what they know, once roused, together
make the most formidable soldier in the world. The best of their
leaders, men compassionate and disinterested at once, wield their
armies like brutal instruments, understanding by instinct that
sudden overwhelming force applied without let is the best and
quickest means of achieving victory. Compare U.S. Grant's order to
Sherman, in 1864 -- "Get into the interior of the enemy's country
as far as you can, inflicting all the damage you can against their
war resources" -- to the pitiable premises, and strategies,
followed in the early years of Vietnam, in which commanders,
following the misbegotten instructions of their master Robert
McNamara, undertook to "send a message" to Ho Chi Minh, by
gradually escalating the intensity and geographical range of
Rolling Thunder. Crocker quotes, approvingly, the exchange between
an American colonel, Harry Summers, with a North Vietnamese
officer, a couple of years after the war ended. The American
reminded his former adversary that "You know you never defeated us
on the battlefield"; and the North Vietnamese responded, "That may
be so, but it is also irrelevant."
The purpose of military history is to instruct. Towards the end
of Don't Tread on Me the author adduces the current war in
Iraq as an enterprise pour encourager les autres: other
prospective adversaries seeing what American arms now bring to the
battlefield will be reluctant to follow the banners of al Qaeda,
Hizbollah, etc. "There is no reason that America's longer-term
strategy of training Iraqi troops to do the job cannot work. All
that stands in the way...is the anti-war party in the West." The
point is arguable, but Colonel Summers's exchange would seem to
embody a present and future truth. The American public, in a time
of instant messaging, of all news all the time, of quick solutions
and declining patriotism of the kind that drives citizens to
volunteer for military service, will not long sustain wars without
plain evidence that they are attaining palpable success. In a
different context President Roosevelt told an adviser (the
president arguing for an Anglo-American invasion of northwest
Africa in 1942) that the public "must be entertained." Successful
campaigning, more elusive now than in 1940, demands faster and
plainer results, and at less human cost. Victory's adversaries now
include many in whose behalf victory is being sought.
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