This essay is the second in a ten-part series being
published in successive issues of The American Spectator
under the general title, “The Pursuit of Liberty: Can the
Ideals That Made America Great Provide a Model for the
World?”
Also in The American Spectator’s Pursuit of
Liberty series: James Q. Wilson’s “American
Exceptionalism,” Norman Podhoretz’s “A
Masterpiece of American Oratory,” Lawrence E. Harrison’s
“The
Cultural Prerequisites of Freedom and Prosperity,” and Roger
Scruton’s “The
Nation-State and Democracy,” with more to
come.
The successes versus the failures.
FOR ALMOST A CENTURY, the United States has been engaged in a
succession of democratization projects abroad. President Woodrow
Wilson in particular was an enthusiast in promoting democracy,
first in the Caribbean basin and Central America (“I will teach the
South Americans to elect good men”) and then in Europe and beyond
(the U.S. entry into World War I was supposed “to make the world
safe for democracy”).
Even earlier, during the 19th century, the United States had
given rhetorical encouragement to democratic movements abroad, but
it was not in a position to give them substantive support until it
became a great power, a status that it achieved with its victory in
the Spanish-American War of 1898. The Republican administrations of
Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft were quick to employ
America’s new power to promote regime change in the Caribbean
basin, but their objective was merely to establish new governments
that would make their countries safe for American security and
business interests, i.e., regimes that certainly were liberal, but
were not really democratic. With the Democratic administration of
Woodrow Wilson, however, the United States embarked upon the
promotion of democracy abroad in the full sense and in a big way.
In the course of the 20th century, there ensued a great parade of
U.S. democratization projects that marched around the world.