By Philip Klein on 10.20.06 @ 12:09AM
The U.S. Constitution is the nation's best defense against liberalism, so it isn't surprising that one law professor wants to scrap it.
Should the Democrats gain control of one or even both chambers
of Congress in next month's elections, their leaders will have a
hard time imposing a liberal agenda on America.
If the Republican nightmare becomes reality and Nancy Pelosi
ascends to the role of House Speaker in January, she will preside
over a razor-thin majority comprised of some Democrats from
conservative districts who won't vote in lock-step with her. Even
if she is able to create rock solid discipline within her party,
any legislation passed by the House must move to the Senate, where
Republicans can gum up the works even if they find themselves with
minority status. To become law, any legislation would still have to
withstand a presidential veto, and unless President Bush is
convicted of having committed, "treason, bribery, or other high
crimes and misdemeanors," he will reside in the White House for
another two years.
When they wrote the U.S. Constitution, our country's founders
intentionally designed a system that makes it difficult for broad,
sweeping changes to be made based on short-term passions. For more
than two centuries, this has helped preserve liberty and foster a
remarkable stability that has enabled America to evolve into the
most prosperous nation in the world. But liberals know that the
Constitution is the biggest obstacle they face to imposing their
progressive vision on our country, which is why they have fought
for decades to undermine the document. Now, a University of Texas
law professor and self-described "strong Democrat" is arguing that
we should scrap it altogether.
Sanford Levinson, author of the new book, Our Undemocratic
Constitution: Where the Constitution Goes Wrong (and How We the
People Can Correct It), wrote in the Los Angeles Times this
week that "the Constitution is so far from perfect that it
threatens our ability to resolve the daunting problems facing our
society." Because it's too difficult to amend our founding document
under current rules, and even then we can only make small changes,
his solution is for a new Constitutional Convention during which
the whole document would be fair game.
One can just imagine the circus such an event would create in
today's political environment. Harry Reid on C-Span accusing
Republicans of wanting to write a Constitution "of the rich, by the
rich, and for the rich," and Dick Cheney firing back that Democrats
want a constitution that will embolden Al Qaeda. CNN running a
"Constitutional Crisis" graphic (cue ominous music), while FoxNews
holds lively debates: "'Necessary and Proper' clause: Keep it or
Dump It? We report. You decide."
Moving beyond the impracticality of such an endeavor, it's worth
examining some of the specific problems Levinson has with the
Constitution. One of his major complaints is the existence of the
U.S. Senate, which gives disproportionate influence to smaller
states to the detriment of more populous states, resulting in the
flow of tax dollars to projects such as Alaska's "bridge to
nowhere." However, the root cause of such a project is not the
existence of the Senate, but the prevalence of the ideology of big
government that originated with liberals and has recently been
adopted by Republicans.
Were the Senate abolished in favor of a system of purely
proportional representation, the only thing that would change is
that California and New York would have free rein to siphon money
away from smaller states to pay for their own pet projects (not to
mention impose their views on everything else on smaller states).
Under the current system, California and New York can still throw
their weight around the House of Representatives, but through the
Senate, the smaller states harness the ability to block policies
that they find particularly objectionable.
Levinson also faults our system for not having "mechanisms by
which leaders who lose the public's confidence can be removed"
(i.e. Bush is still president despite low approval ratings), and he
laments that the power to veto legislation allows the president to
"become an independent third house of an already cumbersome
legislative process." This "cumbersome process" he says, helps
explain "the difficulty -- often, the impossibility -- of passing
innovative legislation and having it signed into law."
This is exactly right, and how things should be. As James Q.
Wilson wrote
in TAS's September issue:
America was slow to adopt welfare programs, social
security, unemployment insurance, and government-supported health
care, while Europe adopted these policies rapidly. We have kept our
tax rate lower than it is in most of Europe. The central difference
is not that Europeans are either smarter or dumber than we, but
that a parliamentary system permits temporary popular majorities to
make bold changes rather quickly, whereas a presidential system
with a powerful, independent, and internally divided Congress
requires that big changes undergo lengthy debates and substantive
accommodations.
Eventually, America did adopt many welfare programs (mainly during
two periods in our history when Democrats held huge majorities that
enabled the American government, in Wilson's words, to "act like a
parliamentary system"), but America has not degenerated into a
full-fledged European welfare state largely because of the way our
Constitution was written.
This may be bad news for progressives, but even those of them
who are eager to tear up the U.S. Constitution and start all over
should consider that a parliamentary system cuts both ways.
Liberals may have been frustrated by their inability to achieve
universal healthcare during the Clinton years, but if America were
a parliamentary system, they would have woken up to the reality of
a Prime Minister Gingrich the morning after the 1994 elections. Had
it not been for the "cumbersome legislative process," Democrats
would have found it much more difficult -- if not impossible -- to
stop Social Security privatization last year.
Obviously, it still makes a difference what party is in power.
Should Democrats emerge victorious next month, they will likely
investigate President Bush aggressively and block attempts to make
his tax cuts permanent. But Republicans will still have an arsenal
of tools at their disposal to stymie the Democrats. And for that,
we have the founders to thank.
topics:
Nancy Pelosi, Harry Reid, Social Security, Environment, Constitution, Law, Alaska