By Jed Babbin on 7.5.06 @ 12:08AM
The best thing Congress can do for us is adjourn.
In April 1653, Oliver Cromwell admonished the Rump Parliament,
"You have been sat too long here for any good you have been doing.
Depart, I say, and let us have done with you. In the name of God,
go!" Let's set aside the context in which Cromwell spoke, and unite
in shouting his words at our Horse's Rump Congress. (And, please,
let's deal with one HRC at a time. Despite what Carville
said in the Sunday Post, she ain't gonna be president
because America ain't that stupid. I think.) If we balance the
possible good against the probable bad the 109th Congress can do in
its few remaining weeks, only one conclusion can be drawn: it is
our duty to shove the boys and girls out the door.
To our heartfelt admonition, Congress will answer -- with equal
fervor -- that they have so much to do and so little time to do it.
Oh, piffle. They spend more time exacting harrumphs from each other
-- Bill Frist looks and sounds more like Mel Brooks's Gov.
LePetomaine every day -- than in attempting anything important.
Sure, it's fun to spend a day bashing the New York Times
or talking about protecting the institution of marriage and Old
Glory by Constitutional amendment. But let's be clear about what's
going on. None of these exercises is serious. They're just
producing campaign commercials on our nickel. And the claims of
urgency for other matters are just as phony.
For all the political hype surrounding the Supreme Court's
decision last week in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, there's nothing
in it that places time constraints on what comes next. In that
opinion, and the preceding decision in Hamdi, the court
confirmed that we can keep terrorist detainees behind the wire
until the conflict is over. And -- given the rate at which we're
prosecuting this war -- that may be in 2525. The military tribunals
are aimed to try and punish a very small number (less than a dozen
of 450-odd detainees at Gitmo). So why rush into legislation a law
reconstituting the military tribunals when so few are affected?
Let's take our time and do it right. Over the next three or four
years.
But, you say, what about confirming all the judges the President
has nominated? Well, sad to say, there are only three ready for a
Senate floor vote: Boyle, Myers and Smith. Seven more -- including
Defense Department general counsel Jim Haynes -- are being
considered by Specter's Judiciary Committee. Four of them were
nominated in May of this year so we can't say they're being held up
unreasonably, and to get them confirmed this year is a pipe dream.
Haynes is caught -- thanks to preening putz Lindsey Graham and a
couple of others -- in a maze he'll never escape. Would it be great
to get even the three floor votes? Sure. But don't bet on it, even
if Congress stays through its current October 6 adjournment date.
McCain's group still controls floor votes and confirmation of
conservative judges is not one of its priorities.
Other presidential appointments -- the confirmation of some is
needed badly -- will be done exactly that way. It might occur to
Senate Republicans that more circus-like confirmation hearings and
needlessly-delayed floor votes won't invest them with public
confidence. The only confirmation hearing that could possibly
benefit them probably won't happen. (Why haven't we been told who
will be the next Deputy Secretary of State? If the nominee were
John Bolton, all the political stars would align. Teddy, Chuckie
Schumer, Dirty Dick Durbin, Biden and Leaky Leahy would be
entrapped into defending the UN against Bolton's alleged predations
and shouting about how he'd never get along with Fidel, Mahmoud and
whatever remnants of the Chirac government pretend to govern
France. The Dems' televised performance could assure a Republican
Senate for years to come. But politics of that grand style are
uncharacteristic of President Bush.)
So what's to keep Congress from adjourning, other than the
opportunity to manufacture political points for November? Only
things that should make us more eager, in the immortal words of
many Brooklyn baseball fans, to "trow da bums out."
Unless we do just that, the November election won't occur
without one more round of pork-barreling. What new record
elevations of mountainous spending can they create? How many
earmarks can they make in the months remaining? I shudder to think.
The HRC is -- purportedly -- controlled by Republicans. But how
many bridges to nowhere and post offices named after sitting
senators do we really need?
What passes for leadership in the Senate is still trying to get
the House to compromise on the illegal immigration issue. The
longer Congress stays in session, the longer the press and the
White House (who said they were eternal enemies?) will have to
force a House collapse. A bad bill would be much worse than no bill
at all. And a bad bill -- given our president's predilections -- is
just what we'll get if they do anything this year. Better to start
all over again next year.
We live in dangerous times. North Korea's threat of nuclear war
in response to an attack knocking out its Taepodong-2 missile being
readied for test will stir all sorts of Congressional kerfuffling.
But serious threats demand serious actions, not Congressional
posturing. Should senators and congressmen try to look tough by
making speeches, or should we instead leave it to serious people to
deal with Kim and his puppet masters in Beijing? If you have to
think about the answer to that question for more time than it took
to read it, you should be working for the New York
Times.
TAS contributing editor Jed Babbin is the author
of Inside the Asylum: Why the UN and Old Europe Are
Worse Than You Think (Regnery, 2004) and, with Edward
Timperlake, Showdown: Why China Wants War With the United
States (Regnery, May 2006 -- click here to obtain a free chapter).
topics:
Earmarks, Books, Constitution, Law, Supreme Court, Military, NATO, North Korea, Immigration