By Marie Gryphon on 8.30.05 @ 12:06AM
The idea that Ohioans most feared is turning out to be exactly what they most needed.
For years, school choice seemed stalled on a freeway at the edge
of town. Urban voucher programs in Cleveland and Milwaukee were
successful. But only the involvement of middle-class suburbs will
trigger the market revolution that reformers seek, and the suburbs
presented an unassailable front. Statewide ballot measures in favor
of vouchers lost big in California and Michigan in 2000. Proposals
to expand education tax credits in Minnesota and Arizona died, and
Ohio's permanent "pilot" program remained strictly limited to the
City of Cleveland.
The cause seemed hopeless. Suburbanites found school choice --
like many city customs -- appealing from a distance. But when it
came to suburban schools, they loathed straying from tradition. For
decades the minivan set heard sky-is-falling predictions that
choice would destroy public schools and undermine social stability.
Suburban schools may not be perfect, commuters grumbled, but they
aren't bad enough to risk change.
This year school choice got a jumpstart. With Ohio leading the
way, reformers are finally taking choice to the suburbs. Governor
Bob Taft signed a budget this summer authorizing 14,000 new school
vouchers. This more than triples the size of Ohio's voucher student
cadre, currently 5,675 Clevelanders in grades K-10. But numbers
don't capture the importance of the Ohio legislation. The new
program matters because it takes choice statewide.
Taft's predecessor George Voinovich favored universal school
choice a decade ago. As governor, he created a Commission on
Educational Choice that produced two far-reaching proposals for the
Buckeye State. One plan would have provided vouchers to students in
Ohio's 12 largest school districts. The other would have made
choice universal in Ohio one grade at a time, beginning with the
state's littlest mall rats.
Voinovich expected resistance from teachers' unions but was
blindsided by complaints from conservative suburban school boards
and PTA members. Even some members of Voinovich's staff were
suburban skeptics. "Once you let that genie out of the bottle, they
will not be able to put it back in, and they know that," a
Republican lawmaker told reporters.
Ohio thus crafted a compromise limiting vouchers to students in
Cleveland. The Cleveland Scholarship Program has since allowed a
few thousand urbanites to flee dysfunctional campuses for
alternative venues. A clause would have compensated neighboring
districts for accepting voucher students, but not a single suburb
participated.
OHIO'S RELUCTANT REPUBLICANS are not unique. It was doubtful
commuters who nixed the California and Michigan initiatives. Those
measures sank by margins of more than 2 to 1 in 2000, with non-city
dwellers voting "no" more often than others.
The anti-voucher Americans for Religious Liberty wrote about the
California race, "even rural, white 'interior California' counties
opposed the initiative." In fact, such voters were especially
likely to oppose school choice. A Los Angeles Times poll
showed that disproportionately urban Latinos were about 50 percent
more likely to support the voucher measure than whites.
Suburban and rural voters have more to lose and less to gain
from change. That is why choice flowered first in the nation's most
dangerous and ineffectual urban districts where politicians decided
it was a politically safe solution. Cleveland schools were in total
collapse in 1995, when the city's program began. Only 7 percent of
Cleveland high school students graduated on time with 12th grade
skills, and a somewhat larger number were victims of on-campus
crime.
The limited Cleveland program passed on a strict party line vote
because Voinovich placated GOP lawmakers not ready for change in
their own outlying neighborhoods. By contrast, "lawmakers had such
little hope that anything could fix the Cleveland schools, they
were willing to take the risk," Commissioner David Brennan
explained.
Cleveland's choice law has become more popular as city schools
have slowly improved. It now has more friends than enemies. Ohio's
new budget enlarges the Cleveland scholarships and makes them
available to students in grades 10-12 for the first time.
But Ohio's bellwether accomplishment is the new Educational
Choice Scholarship Program. It offers vouchers to 14,000 children
in schools on "academic watch" or in "academic emergency" for three
years anywhere in the state. Ohio is not the first to pass a
statewide choice program, but Florida's older Opportunity
Scholarship Program serves only 753 students and is dogged by court
challenges. The ECSP will be the largest program of its kind, and
prior litigation should insulate it from legal challenge.
THOUSANDS OF SUBURBAN OHIOANS will choose their schools this fall,
and they have reason to welcome the opportunity. A list of the
state's struggling schools belies the myth that only urban schools
fail. According to the Ohio Department of Education, 60 of its 88
counties have at least one school in "academic emergency."
McKinley Elementary in Middletown, Ohio is one such
underperformer. In fact, Middletown -- an enclave of 55,000 souls
30 miles from Cincinnati -- has three schools in academic
emergency. No urban ghetto or hipster enclave, its Ramada Inn
boasts the "world's largest re-circulating swimming pool." Admiral
King High School in Lorain County, 35 miles outside of Cleveland,
is likewise on the list. "We are providing options that prevent
Ohio's school children, regardless of where they live, from
becoming trapped in failing schools," explained Ohio House Speaker
Jon Husted.
Families within shouting distance of growing crops or big box
retail may be late adopters, but school choice is no longer
nouveaux. Urban programs have shown that choice increases parent
satisfaction even as it improves the quality of public schools
exposed to competition. As existing programs mature, families are
increasingly comfortable with the idea of choice.
Universities and think tanks report academic results ranging
from no change to improved test scores, both for voucher students
and for their public school peers in Milwaukee and Cleveland. "It
doesn't make sense to me to call these mixed results," said the
Manhattan Institute's Jay Greene. "If study findings range from
zero to positive, that's positive." No academic study has found
that choice programs harm student performance.
Ohio will offer vouchers only to students in schools
experiencing academic difficulty, but that difficulty may not be
the kind of total organizational meltdown that parents imagine when
they hear words like "academic emergency." Some students at orderly
but mediocre schools will qualify even if they personally are doing
well. Ohioans should find that options benefit such students.
Choice is more than an emergency escape hatch.
School choice has upside potential because different children
learn differently. Students who are learning adequately in one
school may find that elsewhere they can become outstanding. An
Indiana University evaluation of the Cleveland program found that
"no particular school or school type is likely to meet the
expectations or needs of all families." The Ohio expansion will
allow "parents and students to have a more active role in selecting
the school that is best suited for the individual needs of the
child," Husted emphasizes.
That a child's individual needs, rather than geography, should
determine the school that she attends was a novel idea in the wake
of decades of public school assignment, and it has taken hold
slowly. But as urban voucher programs diversify educational options
while revitalizing public schools, parents elsewhere are rethinking
the opportunity to choose.
Columbus, Ohio native Jack Nicklaus explained his perennial
success on the golf course by saying, "I resolve never to quit,
never to give up, no matter what the situation." School choice
supporters spent many years starting small, and their persistence
is paying dividends. Success in Ohio's suburbs and rural counties
will signal that diversity in schooling has become a mainstream
value. That would be a boon to the choice movement. After all,
Nicklaus also said, "Golf is a better game played downhill."
topics:
Education, Law, Unions