By David Hogberg on 4.14.05 @ 12:07AM
Paul Krugman is up to his market-bashing ways again, big time.
Paul Krugman is up to his socialized-medicine-advocacy ways
again. Not surprisingly, Krugman has nothing original to say; his
recent column is little more than a distillation of all
the leftist talking points on health care.
According to Krugman, we can't deal with the current health-care
crisis because it is "ideologically inconvenient." Indeed, "To get
effective reform...we'll need to shed some preconceptions -- in
particular, the ideologically driven belief that government is
always the problem and market competition is always the solution."
Krugman gives us a hint as to what "effective reform" looks like:
"If we don't want to become a society in which the rich get
life-saving medical treatment and the rest of us don't, we'll have
to pay much higher taxes." Most unnerving was his comment that, "In
health care, competition and personal choice can and do lead to
higher costs and lower quality." In other words, we need a
one-size-fits-all health care system in which bureaucrats and
politicians make our choices for us.
Krugman advances the silly notion that rising health care
spending is due to innovation:
Rising health care spending isn't primarily the result
of medical price inflation. It's primarily a response to
innovation: the range of things that medicine can do keeps
increasing. For example, Medicare recently started paying for
implanted cardiac devices in many patients with heart trouble, now
that research has shown them to be highly effective. This is good
news, not bad.
Innovation has little to do with it. Rather, the factors are
increased wealth and the third-party payer system. As a society
grows wealthier, individuals are willing to pay more for health
care as a way to protect their wealth. We spend more on health care
here because we have the freedom to do so. Other developed nations
have government-run systems that ration health care resources and
often restrict how much individuals can spend on their own. When
given the chance, they too spend more on health care. Witness the
number of Canadians who pay for treatment out of their own pockets
-- by coming to the U.S.
The other reason we spend as much as we do on health care is
most health insurance is based on the third-party payer model.
Under this model, the cost of medical care is not paid by the
patient but by other people's money, a "third party" insurance
company or government program. When patients do not pay the cost
directly, they mistakenly perceive that they are getting health
care for free. Under those conditions they have no incentive to
restrain spending.
The third-party payer system is the result not of the
free-market, but of government policy. The tax code gives an
exemption for the purchase of health insurance to employers, not
employees. Thus, employees are shielded from most of the cost of
health insurance. A system that gives the tax credit to individuals
would do much to bring market pressures to bear on the health-care
system.
The next myth Krugman endorses is that U.S. health care is worse
than those of other developed countries:
Finally, the U.S. health care system is wildly
inefficient. Americans tend to believe that we have the best health
care system in the world. (I've encountered members of the
journalistic elite who flatly refuse to believe that France ranks
much better on most measures of health care quality than the United
States.) But it isn't true. We spend far more per person on health
care than any other country -- 75 percent more than Canada or
France -- yet rank near the bottom among industrial countries in
indicators from life expectancy to infant mortality.
If you think our journalistic elites don't believe France is
superior, raise your hand.
Well, you must all have broken arms -- be thankful they are
being treated here in the America. Data from the OECD compiled by the Commonwealth Fund shows that on the
measures that matter, the U.S. does much better than most other
countries, including France. When deaths from a disease are
compared to incidence, the U.S. has better survival rates for
prostrate cancer, breast cancer, and AIDS. We also have more access
to medical technology. We exceed all other countries in bypass
surgery and are surpassed only by Japan in MRI machines (and are
way ahead of France on both of those measures).
Krugman is able to claim France is superior to the U.S. by
comparing life expectancy and infant mortality. But as John C.
Goodman, Gerald L. Musgrave and Devon M. Herrick state in Lives
at Risk, "Average life expectancy tells us almost nothing
about the efficacy of health care systems because, throughout the
developed world, there is very little correlation between health
care spending and life expectancy." Rather, it has far more to do
with genetic and social factors like lifestyle and education.
Genetics also go a long way to explaining differences in infant
mortality. A factor that is highly significant in infant mortality
is low birth weight. For reasons not yet fully understood,
African-American women deliver lower-weight babies at twice the
rate of whites, driving up the U.S. rate of infant mortality
relative to other developed countries. Life expectancy and infant
mortality are comparisons commonly used by advocates of socialized
medicine. However, as criticisms of a health-care system they are
meaningless.
Next, Krugman claims that government health care is more
efficient than the private sector:
The fact is that in health care, the private sector is
often bloated and bureaucratic, while some government agencies --
notably the Veterans Administration system -- are lean and
efficient.
Krugman should speak with some doctors who have to wade through
the thicket of Medicare and Medicaid regulations. They might inform
him that the efficiency of government-run health care is illusory.
The reason is that the private sector bears the bulk of the cost of
complying with government health care regulations and mandates.
This is what enables the political left to claim government health
care bureaucracies have low administrative costs. But it is
misleading. As Sally Pipes of the free-market Pacific Research
Institute puts it, "It's as if the IRS claimed the costs of our
complicated tax code were limited to the agency's processing costs,
neglecting the hours that individuals and companies must spend
complying with the law."
As for the Veterans Administration, a little web searching
reveals it is a mess. A 1993 GAO
report found that waiting time to see a specialist at a VA hospital
averaged 62 days, and 13% of patients in urgent need waited an hour
or more at an emergency room (indeed, 2% waited three or more
hours!). More recently, the VA Inspector General testified before Congress that the VA could institute
reforms that would save "approximately $7 billion by preventing
waste, fraud, and abuse." That included over $209 million that went
to veterans who were fugitives from the law. Hardly the textbook
definition of "lean and efficient."
Finally, Krugman gives us this canard:
Over the next few weeks I'll back up these assertions,
and talk about what a workable health care reform might look like,
if we can get ideology out of the way.
I'll believe it when I see it. Back in January Krugman said he
would "suggest steps to strengthen" Social Security in the next few
weeks. As Matthew Hoy points out, we're still waiting.
If we want to deal with the rising cost of health care, we need
to make health care more consumer-driven. That means giving tax
credits directly to individuals, repealing burdensome government
regulations, and introducing Health Savings Accounts to programs
like Medicare and Medicaid. Krugman has it exactly wrong. The
problem with health care in this country is that it still relies on
the ideologically driven belief that government can provide it
better than the free market.
topics:
Taxes, Education, Health Care, Social Security, Medicaid, Law, Africa, Medicare