By Timothy Lynch on 2.17.05 @ 12:07AM
Andrew Napolitano brings order to Constitutional Chaos.
Constitutional Chaos: What Happens When the
Government Breaks Its Own Laws
By Andrew P. Napolitano
(Nelson Current, 234 pages, $26.99)
Beltway pundits tell us the Bush presidency will be remembered
for two overarching issues: the Iraq war and Social Security
reform. Don't believe it. It is way too early for such predictions.
Few people seem to recall that, prior to 9/11, the issue of the day
was stem cell research. Before al Qaeda's attack, Bush himself
thought his stem cell policy would likely be the most important
decision of his presidency.
The political scene can change very rapidly -- so be forewarned
that a political earthquake is looming on the horizon. Just watch
what happens once the news wires report the resignation of a
Supreme Court justice. Virtually all of the attention that is now
on Iraq and Social Security will turn to the president's nominee,
the confirmation battle in the Senate, and constitutional law.
Several new books on the Constitution and the judiciary are
hitting the bookstores in anticipation of the coming political and
legal battle. One of these is Constitutional Chaos: What
Happens When the Government Breaks Its Own Laws, by Andrew
Napolitano. Judge Napolitano is the senior judicial analyst on the
Fox News Channel where he does a terrific job of cutting through
legal jargon to explain cases and controversies to laypeople. He
has now written a primer on constitutional law for a lay
audience.
But Napolitano's book is not a disinterested,
this-is-how-the-law-has-developed-over-years type of book. As the
title suggests, the judge has a definite point of view. His thesis
is that the Bill of Rights has been under relentless assault from
government officials who have no compunction about breaking the
legal charter that they are sworn to uphold. Napolitano believes
that this constitutional corruption is rampant, but that most
citizens are blissfully ignorant of the problem because they simply
assume that their rights are "guaranteed" on the off chance they
would ever really need them. To remedy the widespread naivete,
Napolitano presents vivid horror stories of government agents
running amok in the U.S.A.
EVERYONE KNOWS THAT abuses occur from time to time, but the picture
that Napolitano paints is downright depressing. The First Amendment
guarantees freedom of speech, but antiabortion activists are hauled
into court because of a website that compares abortion-physicians
to Nazi war criminals. "The plaintiffs," Napolitano writes, "sued
under a federal law prohibiting violence that blocks access to
abortion clinics." Just one problem: What is the relationship
between that law and the website? How can website content block
access to a clinic? Instead of throwing the suit out, the case went
to trial and a jury returned a $107 million verdict against the
antiabortion group. Now website content has to be written with the
threat of ruinous lawsuits in mind. What happened to freedom of
thought and freedom of speech?
The Second Amendment guarantees the right to keep and bear arms,
but when Ronald Dixon shot a burglar in his home in 2002, New York
prosecutors called Dixon a criminal. Instead of honoring Dixon's
right to defend himself and his child, the government pressured him
to plead guilty to a "disorderly conduct" charge. Napolitano asks,
"Who in their right mind would not use a gun under these
circumstances to save an innocent, defenseless baby?" Even though
the plea bargain meant that Dixon would not have to serve time in
jail, the judge argues that Dixon's life should never have been
disrupted by the prosecutors "for exercising a natural right, and
he should not have had to incur legal expenses." Napolitano's point
is that our rights are under attack -- and if we don't guard them,
they will slip away for good.
The Fifth Amendment says private property cannot be taken for a
"public use" without "just compensation," but Leonard Proh was told
that he had to move out of his home because a real estate developer
wanted to use his parcel of land for a parking lot. The developer
had enough connections with the "town fathers" to have the town
invoke its power of eminent domain against Proh. An outrage, to be
sure, but the courts intervened, right? "No," reports Napolitano.
In fact, a Texas trial judge allowed the developer to demolish
Proh's home even though the lawsuit was not yet over! Proh had to
move out even as his wife lay in a hospital bed with brain cancer.
Five days after their home was leveled, she died.
Napolitano also draws on his own disillusioning experience as a
New Jersey Superior Court judge, a position he held for many years
before moving into the world of television journalism. When cops
took the witness stand and told tall tales about why they stopped
individuals on the street or why they pulled cars over, Napolitano
was shocked. He writes, "To someone of my blue-collar, lower middle
class, Roman Catholic, respect-for-authority background, it was
simply inconceivable." The judge recoils in indignation over law
enforcement's common rationalization that "winning" the case is
what's important -- even if the law must be skirted to secure a
conviction.
To those who say, "well, if you don't have anything to hide, you
do not have anything to worry about," Napolitano tells the story of
Joseph Salvoti. FBI agents were so obsessed with "winning cases"
that they passively allowed Salvoti, an innocent man, to wallow in
jail for thirty years for a murder that he did not commit. The FBI
looked the other way because it wanted to protect its informant.
When a congressman confronted one of the agents about the
injustice, the agent joked that the story might interest a
Hollywood movie producer.
NAPOLITANO HAS EARNED RESPECT from lawyers across the political
spectrum because of his nonpartisan approach to legal and
constitutional analysis. He has wisely brought the neutrality that
everyone expects from a judge to his job as a commentator at the
Fox Network and to his book about the Constitution. He calls 'em as
he sees 'em. Thus, in some places he criticizes Janet Reno; in
other places, John Ashcroft. And it is refreshing to see a judge
defend not only the First Amendment, but the Second Amendment as
well. Napolitano reminds the reader that we ought not to take a
cafeteria approach to our constitutional liberties. Hear, hear.
Napolitano concludes his book by exploding the right-left debate
concerning "judicial activism" and "judicial restraint." He writes,
"Let's be brutally honest about this: The only judicial activism we
condemn is that with which we disagree... When judicial activism
merely enforces the Constitution, it is a very good concept." That
is an important point. A judge can abuse his post by substituting
his opinion for the law, but that abuse can manifest itself in two
distinct ways. A judge might invalidate a law passed by the
legislature because he disagrees with it -- or he might let an
unconstitutional law stand because he disagrees with an
unfashionable constitutional principle, such as the right to
private property, free speech, or the right to keep and bear arms.
A good judge will refrain from both forms of
misconduct.
When a vacancy opens up on the Supreme Court, the media will
focus on the Roe v. Wade precedent, but Judge Napolitano
recognizes that a broader perspective is necessary to understand
what is really at stake. If judges fail in their duty to defend the
Bill of Rights, government officials will run amok, constitutional
corruption will flourish, and the land of the free will slide into
chaos. Thus, what we really need is a clear-eyed defender of the
Constitution, someone who is willing to defend a constitutional
principle even when it is unpopular to do so.
topics:
Television, Social Security, Abortion, Books, Hollywood, Constitution, Law, Supreme Court, Iraq, Oil