The demise of moral scruples always begins with a "debate," as the President’s Council on Bioethics is demonstrating.
In philosophy courses, liberal intellectuals, oozing thoughtful
apprehension, used to ask, "If we could guarantee the happiness of
the world by torturing and killing just one child, would it be
worth it?" They don't ask this question anymore now that the
"happiness" of modern life depends upon killing unborn children and
treating embryos as scientific fodder. To secure "choice," to cure
disease, to satisfy a modern "right to a child" (which means
creating thousands upon thousands of frozen embryos through
hit-and-miss research during In Vitro fertilization trials),
liberals decided that society's pursuit of happiness could begin on
the unmarked graves of dead children and laboratory rejects.
"Scientific progress" at this point means the empowerment of the
born over the unborn -- one group of humans mistreating the most
vulnerable group of humans and congratulating themselves for it.
Usually it follows a lot of "agonizing debate," which amounts to a
conscience-consoling search for reasons to justify what's already
been decided. The demise of moral scruples always begins with a
"debate." Should we clone humans? Well, let's debate that for a
second -- once you hear that, you know the moral scruple has
already been lost. What's debatable is doable.
The President's Council on Bioethics is a creature of this
culture of "debate." Consequently, even the "good news" that comes
out of it is dubious if not depressing. Take its two new stem cell
proposals. This last weekend the Washington Postreported the commission's chairman Leon Kass
praising the proposals for providing "an opportunity to get through
the political impasse," as if resolving the debate is a greater
imperative for the council than defending moral truth and stopping
an obviously impious and immoral scientific culture.
One proposal is to treat embryos like "brain-dead accident
victims," with scientists harvesting still-usable cells the moment
the embryo dies (death in this case is defined as the "irreversible
arrest of cell division"); the other proposal is to try and develop
pre-embryonic freaks that can somehow generate embryonic stem cells
without actually becoming embryos. Both proposals, said chairman
Leon Kass, mean that "the partisans of scientific progress and the
defenders of the dignity of nascent human life can go forward in
partnership without anyone having to violate things they hold
dear." Diana Schaub, also on the council, said, "It seems to me
almost too good to be true -- that scientific advance would solve a
moral dilemma."
A dilemma is defined as a choice between alternatives that are
equally undesirable. Adding more undesirable choices doesn't solve
a dilemma; it deepens it. One gets the sense that the conservatives
on this commission wouldn't be proposing these ideas if the
"political impasse" hadn't stimulated such straining. Why, first of
all, does the council treat a traditional scruple -- science should
not treat embryos as material for manipulation -- as one horn of
the dilemma? Once bioethicists treat adherence to traditional
morality as just one more undesirable choice among many the debate
is over. And why do they assume these novel proposals would arrest
a scientific culture that regards human embryos as expendable? The
first proposal would expand, not eliminate, the IVF limbo of
hundreds of thousands of frozen embryos, since it completely
depends on it.
Perhaps under the proposal scientists wouldn't be collecting
embryos for destruction. But they would be collecting them to die.
They would just wait until they are "organismically dead" to seize
the cells. (Though it is hard to believe that scientists who have
no moral problems with creating multiple embryos in IVF treatments
would be so deferential in waiting for them to die.) Were we
serious about treating embryos with respect, we would try to save
the frozen embryos that do exist and stop scientists from creating
new ones. Moving reproduction from marriage to science tore the
door off the dignity of embryonic life. The first proposal would
guarantee that it's never repaired.
What about the second proposal? The commission stressed that the
second proposal -- forming freaks of nature through "altered
nuclear transfer," what commission member James Q. Wilson calls a
"weed," what Leon Kass calls a "reengineered entity," and what
commission member Paul McHugh calls a "weird genetic hybrid" --
would not compromise the dignity of nascent human life. No embryo
would exist, goes the reasoning, so no embryo would have any
dignity to be violated.
But does that answer all moral questions? Forming reengineered
entities is playing God without the wisdom of God, a certain way to
lose a sense of one's own dignity. The commission seemed to say, no
embryo, no indignity. The commission never considered the question
of its own dignity. Science can not only degrade the dignity of its
subjects. It can also degrade the dignity of scientists and the
culture supporting them. If modern man must commit freakish acts to
achieve a "normal" life, what dignity is left by the end of it?
About the Author
George Neumayr is a contributing editor to The American Spectator.