By Colby Cosh on 8.20.04 @ 12:07AM
One moment Bush is a raging unilateralist, the next a craven isolationist. Will the Dems ever get their act together?
I was amused to hear of John Kerry citing his shadow running
mate John McCain on Wednesday while oh-so-politely discussing
President Bush's plan to pull superfluous American troops out of
Cold War installations. As the Washington Post's Lois
Romano tells it, "Kerry pointed out that in a Senate
hearing on Tuesday McCain questioned the troop plan, saying, 'I'm
particularly concerned about moving troops out of South Korea when
North Korea has probably never been more dangerous than any time
since the end of the Korean War. I hope, as some critics allege,
this is not a retreat to fortress America.'"
I can't be the only one -- even the only non-American -- who
paused at this point and said to himself "Wait a second -- when did
you guys decide that this 'Fortress America' thing was such a bad
idea?" Being fortified against exterior security threats is a good
thing, right? Having studied European history I associate the word
"fortress" with functioning cities where people would live, work,
and trade, content in the knowledge that the high walls were there
to keep out enemies if the necessity arose.
Every European city with "burg" in its name was once a fortress,
and bears the stigma, if there is one. Freedom isn't incompatible
with fortress life; the latter, indeed, was once a passable
practical synonym for the former. The Swiss, who are among the
happiest and most prosperous people in Europe, arguably live
together in a single resplendent mountain fortress bristling with
guns and with tunnels built on interior lines. One might not like
to live in a literal walled city, but as a metaphor for security,
what's so bad about it?
Trick question. Liberal critics of the Republican administration
love throwing around this phrase "Fortress America." No two users of the term
mean the same thing by it: They may be criticizing intensified
scrutiny of foreign travelers, or half-hearted efforts to shore up
the Mexican border, or even crackdowns on anarchist protesters at
international summit meetings.
So whence the popularity? As Senator McCain knows perfectly
well, being a past master of low-brow rhetorical devices, it's
subliminal innuendo. The term "Fortress America" was used by
America Firsters in the years preceding Pearl Harbor -- the
"isolationists," opposed to enmeshing the Republic in foreign wars,
who spoke for an overwhelming majority of the American populace
until the moment American territory was attacked, and who were
rubbished as cryptofascists afterward. The other desired historical
overtone, of course, is Hitler's "Fortress Europe." It's a way of calling George W. Bush
a Nazi without calling him a Nazi.
If not for the lamentable associations with which the word
"fortress" has become freighted in the American language, "Fortress
America" would make a pretty good Republican campaign slogan. As it
is, Donald Rumsfeld is forced to go before the press and distance the administration from the whole nasty
idea of fortification. Fortunately, it always helps to have the
brutally obvious on your side, and perhaps there will be a fair
hearing, with absurd linguistic devices set aside, for Rumsfeld's
careful explanation that thousands of warm American bodies are no
longer strictly needed to stand in the path of Communist tanks in
the Fulda Gap.
The occasion of the recall of American troops abroad seems like
a funny sort of time to toss out the "Fortress America" grenade.
Until yesterday the concern was more with what might be described
as a "Battlefield Earth" scenario. What happened to the fears that
the "neoconservative cabal" was remaking the world into a formless
empire of American capitalism? The troop withdrawal doesn't seem
like the sort of plot twist you'd find in a script like that.
For three years and change, the man who pledged a "more humble
[American] foreign policy" has been raked over the coals for
failing to adhere to that promise, despite the unusually strong
reasons (e.g., the large ashen hole in the lower part of Manhattan)
for a midterm course change. Now Bush has taken the first steps
toward ceasing to guarantee, in toto, the defense of every
other industrialized democracy in the known universe. And the man
they were calling an imperialist yesterday is now instantly tarred
as an isolationist. Do we need a new word here? Isoperialist?
Impolationist?
THE TRUTH IS THAT bringing American troops home from places where
they're not wanted -- and where they weren't terribly welcome even
during the Cold War -- is a move which comes, if anything, too late
in President Bush's first term. American forces in Europe proved
useless as a bargaining chip with European democracies when support
was needed for a questionable American adventure in Iraq; they were
merely another source of friction. It would have been a great
puzzle indeed to future historians if a president who insists that
the U.S. is facing a new cold war against nonstate "terror" had
left the Risk pieces in the same places they occupied when the
enemy was a geographically demarcated superpower.
As far as South Korea goes, people like Sen. McCain apparently
count on the American public not noticing that public opinion in
South Korea is foursquare in favor of "unification" -- only the
eventual terms are in question -- and that the U.S. presence in the
country is almost uniformly despised there. I can't claim to
understand South Korea, and least of all why it chooses to tweak
the nose of Uncle Sam at every possible turn. But the South Koreans
appear convinced that they can find some hypothetical path to
unification while allowing Kim Jong-Il to save face at every
turn.
The southern government is in the midst of an embarrassing imbroglio with the North over escapees
from its Stalinist dictatorship, and may well end up ceasing -- in
the name of preserving "dialogue" -- to offer such escapees
unlimited sanctuary, at least in South Korean embassies abroad.
There is talk of a single Korean team competing at the 2008 Olympics. One wonders why the United
States would consider the continued separate existence of South
Korea to be a vital strategic interest when the South Koreans
themselves appear to be in some doubt about it.
topics:
Foreign Policy, Trade, John McCain, Books, Iraq, NATO, North Korea