By Doug Bandow on 7.19.04 @ 12:06AM
Our favorite ambulance chasers are now in the business of suing booze makers.
There's nothing new about lawyers attempting to profit from
tragedy. When an individual dies after behaving irresponsibly, an
attorney always can be found to blame someone with deep pockets.
But now many lawyers are as interested in regulating behavior as in
making money.
So it is with a raft of lawsuits against alcohol producers for
having the temerity to advertise their products. After all, some
people drink foolishly and illegally. Some have accidents, and
die.
The state tobacco suits were the mother of abusive litigation.
As important as money damages were provisions banning advertising,
ending sports sponsorships, and killing industry research.
Lawsuits have since proliferated against fast food operators. So
far, the cases have been faring poorly, but some attorneys have
promised to keep suing until they win. Here again, nanny-state
activists are looking for greedy public officials to work with them
to regulate a legal industry outside of the normal political
process.
Now lawyers have filed actions in California, Colorado, North
Carolina, Ohio, and Washington, D.C. targeting the alcohol
industry. The plaintiffs demand both monetary damages and
advertising restrictions. The suits "wholeheartedly" borrow from
the tobacco litigation, admits lawyer Steve Berman, handling a Los
Angeles case.
Leading the legal assault are David Boies II, a top litigator
hired by the Clinton Justice Department to sue Microsoft, and his
son, who heads a separate law firm. Their target list includes
Bacardi, Brown-Forman, Coors, Diageo, Heineken, Kobrand
Corporation, and Mark Anthony Group, as well as the Beer
Institute.
Interestingly, the attorneys left off their hit list
Anheuser-Busch and Miller, clients of the elder Boies. Steve Berman
remedied that lapse in his suit. Eventually even more companies
could be hauled into court.
The plaintiffs claim that alcohol brewers and distillers are
"deliberately and recklessly" targeting underage consumers by
advertising in publications "disproportionately read" by young
people. Reliance on cartoon characters, use of such youthful themes
as video games, reference to college activities such as Spring
Break, placement of products in movies and TV shows watched by
minors, introduction of sexual imagery appealing to young males,
and creation of websites accessible to teens are supposed to prove
that the alcohol producers are attempting to hook the young.
But advertising is not enough. The plaintiffs assume that
advertising is spurring underage drinking. "This is extremely
sophisticated marketing that's making an awful lot of money,"
argues David Boies III, a lawyer hoping to make an awful lot of
money with his lawsuit.
His Washington, D.C. complaint charges 17 defendants with having
allegedly engaged in "wrongful, unjust, and illegal conduct." The
pleadings explain: "a company commits an unfair, deceptive,
unconscionable, and unlawful trade practice when it deliberately
engages in sophisticated and extensive marketing practices with the
purpose and effect of substantially increasing the illegal sales of
its dangerous products to children."
Along with these class action suits are individual cases, such
as the one filed by the family of 19-year-old Ryan Pisco against
Coors. Pisco drank, drove while drunk, and recklessly exceeded the
speed limit. He crashed and died.
Which, his family claimed, was Coors' fault because of its
sponsorship of sporting events which Ryan allegedly attended.
These lawsuits are a gross misuse of the judicial process.
First, alcohol is not inherently dangerous. Millions of people,
including most youths, drink without undue effect. The problem is
drinking irresponsibly and sometimes illegally, not drinking.
But foolish behavior cannot be blamed on advertising. For
instance, Ryan Pisco's death is tragic, but he did not decide to
break the law and drive dangerously because of industry
advertising. He exercised his free choice -- irresponsibly,
unfortunately.
Moreover, advertising does little to change the level of
drinking. Most alcohol consumed around the world isn't even
advertised.
Changes in advertising -- significant upsurges in the U.S.,
France, and the Netherlands, and complete elimination in several
Nordic countries -- have had no measurable impact on total
consumption. In fact, young people say that their parents most
affect their attitude towards drinking, followed by the views of
their peers. When kids explain why they drink, they never cite
ads.
Why, then, do companies advertise? To win market share. People
are going to drink. But which brand they drink is not
foreordained.
As in many cases involving abusive litigation, the facts
consistently contradict the legal allegations. The Federal Trade
Commission reviewed industry advertising and produced the 2003
Report on Alcohol Marketing and Advertising.
The FTC discovered "no reliable basis to conclude that alcohol
advertising significantly affects consumption, let alone abuse."
Moreover, the Commission "found no evidence of targeting underage
consumers." Firms advertised to get drinkers to change brands, not
to get kids to drink.
The Department of Health and Human Services recommended against
restrictions on alcohol advertising in a report to Congress. The
agency observed no significant relationship between advertising and
consumption.
Private studies as well have found no meaningful connection
between advertising and limits on advertising and drinking. There
is no evidence justifying regulation or litigation. Explains John
Calfee of the American Enterprise Institute: "Invariably, empirical
research finds no effect of advertising on the total amount of
alcohol consumption."
There's certainly nothing which suggests advertising encourages
irresponsible drinking, which is the real issue. People who abuse
alcohol don't need to be encouraged to do so.
But all of this evidence is really irrelevant. The Constitution
protects freedom of speech, and that includes commercial speech by
alcohol producers. We punish brewers and distillers for selling
their legal products at our peril, since there's no reason to
assume that the regulatory paternalists won't soon find another
unpopular vice to penalize.
Moreover, controlling publications mostly read by adults because
some teens also see them sets an extraordinarily dangerous
precedent. There is little in life that does not have some impact
on some child in some place.
Surely we do not all want to be treated as kids as a result. The
government should not "reduce the adult population," observed the
U.S. Supreme Court 20 years ago in the case Bolger v. Young
Drug Products Corp., "to reading only what is fit for
children."
And if there seems to be a convincing reason to sacrifice free
speech rights, it should be done by the Congress, after a full
debate, and not by a judge in a tort case. The political process is
imperfect, but better includes diverse interest groups and better
balances diverse interests than does a lawsuit.
Even some trial attorneys realize that they are operating on
shaky legal ground. After Coors threatened to seek sanctions for
frivolous litigation against Kenneth McKenna, the lawyer for Ryan
Pisco, McKenna dismissed the lawsuit "with prejudice," which means
that it cannot be refiled.
Unreasonable lawyers, juries, and judges have been turning
America into a society of victims. No one is responsible for
anything; everyone is liable for something. Now the trial bar has
set its sights on the alcohol industry.
We must reject regulation by lawyers. Most people who drink do
so responsibly; those who do not have only themselves to blame. The
only way to deal with alcohol abuse is to hold drinkers -- not
brewers or distillers or sellers -- accountable.
topics:
Trade, Sports, Movies, Constitution, Law, Supreme Court