By Colby Cosh on 5.4.04 @ 12:04AM
A prosecution brief against the New Deal, a.k.a. FDR's Folly.
In Review: FDR's Folly: How Roosevelt and His New
Deal Prolonged the Great Depression, by Jim Powell (Crown
Forum, 352 pages, $27.50)
FDR's Folly is, as the title suggests, a prosecution brief
against the New Deal. Don't pick it up expecting author Jim Powell
to suspend moral judgment at every possible turn, as an academic
historian would: He is out to indict. But it counts for a great
deal that he is successful. And it counts for even more that he is
pressing a case that has rarely been presented to the general
public by hagiographic historians, professional and amateur.
If Mount Rushmore did not exist, and plans were devised to build
it today, it can hardly be doubted that the face of Franklin Delano
Roosevelt would find its way up there in place of his cousin. Time
has not withered the legend of the Greatest Generation's
commander-in-chief. Because he led the American people in war, and
fell with exquisite theatrical timing as it was reaching its
conclusion, he has been perennially deified by politicians of both
parties; Ronald Reagan never stopped reminding people that he voted
for FDR four times. Most recently Lord Black has produced a
doorstop which tries to co-opt Roosevelt posthumously as a
conservative hero.
But as Powell's book shows, FDR was a funny sort of
conservative. He hired advisors and cabinet secretaries who were
convinced that the free market was doomed, that central planning
was the wave of the future, and that state monopolies were superior
-- economically and morally -- to large private companies. Many
were impressed by Italian fascism.
FDR expropriated all the privately held gold in the United
States by executive order. He plowed inconceivable sums into
Soviet-style public-works megaprojects; tripled federal taxes; gave
unionized craft workers new privileges (often simply by looking the
other way at their racketeering and violence) at the expense of
poorer non-unionized workers and the indigent; supported farmers by
paying them to destroy crops amidst unprecedented material want;
created the first American payroll taxes amidst unprecedented
unemployment; imposed a national code of industrial production and
schedule of industrial wages; and stacked the Supreme Court with
judges who make contemporary liberals look like Newt Gingrich. If
this was a conservative President, the word must have changed
meaning since I was a wee lad.
FDR's Folly is a detailed record of all these actions;
in a sense, I've just replayed it for you at fast-forward. But it
cannot be said that contemporary conservative worshippers of FDR
are unaware of the record. They excuse it, in the main, by waving
their arms and saying, "Yes -- but there was a Great Depression on,
don't you see?" FDR and his cabinet were faced with a profound
crisis in capitalism, and they are said sometimes to have "saved"
it by turning it into something resembling its exact opposite.
Roosevelt's genius is supposed to have been that he did not react
to economic conditions ideologically; he tried diverse, novel
solutions, rescuing America from Depression by force of
charisma.
WHICH IS REALLY WHERE Powell comes in. Unlike your run-of-the-mill
historian he is aware of the large literature on the actual
economic consequences of the New Deal. FDR's Folly simply
puts it between one convenient set of covers, in clear language
accessible to the layman. For 30 years at least, professional
economists have recognized that the New Deal was harmful medicine
for a struggling economy. Faced with a similar crisis, there cannot
be more than one in a hundred who would now recommend FDR's
specific curatives.
His programs are sometimes praised on vaguely Keynesian grounds
by non-economists influenced by that school; they may like to
examine Powell's contemporary quotations from Lord Keynes himself.
(He criticized the president strongly for pursuing "reform" at the
expense of the more urgent "recovery".) The overwhelming consensus
of economists is that Roosevelt prolonged the Depression in the
United States; and while the minds of Roosevelt's time were equally
certain that free markets were dead, other countries still managed
to do better at pulling out of the crisis.
There were a few around in the 1930s who had the forensic
talents to realize that the New Deal was hokum: one thinks of H.L.
Mencken, or the rabid anti-Rooseveltian journalist John T. Flynn.
The enduring mystery of the interwar period is there weren't more
such critics -- that skepticism of market capitalism should run
roughshod over logic to such a great degree.
To take one example, the Social Security Act was passed in 1935,
with the idea of creating jobs for young people by moving the
elderly out of the workforce, but was not to begin paying benefits
to retirees until 1942. Now, one might think that Keynesian
practices make a certain sort of basic sense; that it is a good
idea for government to borrow against future peaks in the business
cycle to rehabilitate the economy during bad periods. But the
passage of Social Security introduced a steep new tax on workers
during America's time of greatest penury and set the revenue aside
while the fund got rolling. This was borrowing against the present
-- devised during one of the bleakest years in the annals of the
United States -- to pay for the future! Keynesianism through the
looking-glass! And yet if anyone bothered to point out the obvious,
it certainly had little effect on the American voter -- even the
American voter who suddenly found his paycheck smaller.
POWELL'S BOOK IS FULL OF puzzles like this. Did anyone think to
speak for the urban hungry when American farmers were plowing food
crops under? Did it occur to anyone that price supports for
agriculture would help only the fortunate farmers whose crops had
survived, and make eating more expensive for the truly imperiled?
Did anyone notice that the executive branch's espousal of mandatory
collective bargaining was a horrifying blow to American blacks and
other minorities, who were excluded by "gentlemen's agreement" from
the ranks of the major unions? Had the truths of human nature been
forgotten so far that nobody thought raising wages for government
contractors would discourage hiring by those companies?
The material in this book even calls into question FDR's basic
goodwill toward the American people. Powell documents incontestably
that political cronyism was rampant in New Deal relief programs and
that the spending of the Civilian Conservation Corps, a New Deal
showpiece, went mostly to northern and western states which were
the best-immunized from the Depression's effects in the first place
-- but which, by pure coincidence, were disproportionately
low-hanging fruit for a Democratic ticket trying to win the
Electoral College. If one grants that FDR possessed the personal
integrity usually attributed to him, it's still hard to see how his
worshippers can fail to squirm at bizarre jeremiads against
"economic royalists" and "privileged princes" delivered by a
wealthy blue-blood who had married his own cousin in the best
tradition of the old European houses.
Still, let's not forget -- Powell certainly doesn't -- that the
Hoover administration cut a wide path toward American penury with
its own lamentable innovations, and that Roosevelt had to outbid
more nefarious demagogues like Huey Long, whose assassination was a
narrow escape from some nameless, dreadful something-ism for the
United States. There may still be room to thank FDR's shade for not
having pressed the New Deal further. It wasn't just FDR's folly: in
truth, it was America's. And America still hasn't shaken off all of
the superstitions that made it possible.
topics:
Taxes, Business, Social Security, Supreme Court, Fascism, Unions