By James Bowman on 12.19.03 @ 8:26PM
But what about his "utopian dreams"?
The capture of Saddam Hussein could not have happened more
fortunately for American purposes in Iraq. Not only were there no
casualties in the operation, but Saddam did us the huge favor of
looking like a coward in giving up without a fight. In an honor
culture like that of the Arabs, the importance of such a
humiliation cannot be over-estimated. One way you can tell its
impact among Iraqis is that the paranoid conspiracy-theorists are
already working overtime to insist that U.S. forces must have
drugged him first in order to prevent him from resisting. How he
could have been drugged before he was captured they are still
trying to work out.
"We feel he either should have fought, or if he was surrounded
and there was no other way, committed suicide. That's what we were
expecting," said an Iraqi quoted by Alan Sipress in the
Washington Post. "When he didn't, it wasn't a surprise for
us. It was a shock…. Frankly, he let us down." Another Iraqi
said, "We're asking ourselves, is this the man who ruled us for 35
years? This man was ruling us with an iron fist and he ends up in
such a submissive way in a ditch." And he concluded, noting that
after making a tape which urged Iraqis to resist, Saddam himself
had given up without a fight: "He is lies, lies to the end."
In other parts of the Arab world, Saddam's shame appeared to
reflect on his fellow Arabs. "Saddam was miserable, and I, as an
Arab, felt humiliation," said Al-Watan of Saudi Arabia,
while the Egyptian paper, Al-Ahram, wrote that "No Arab
would wish this upon the Arab president of Iraq." These were not
statements of support for Saddam but just the way an honor culture
thinks. Thus, if an Arab leader is seen as a coward --
Al-Hayat of London was more forthright, noting that "Even
Saddam's Little Nephew Was Braver" -- he brings shame on all Arabs,
and not just his supporters or henchmen.
An op-ed in the Washington Post by Daniel Chirot, a professor at the Henry Jackson
School of International Studies at the University of Washington and
the author of Modern Tyrants, gets it wrong, I think, by
assuming that "Hussein's embarrassing end will certainly increase
resentment of U.S. arrogance." It's hard to guess what he has in
mind in referring to "U.S. arrogance." There is nothing arrogant
about hunting down and imprisoning a deadly enemy. Nor are the
Arabs likely to blame America for their leader's cowardice. Their
resentment of the agents of his humiliation will probably be no
different than it was the day before his capture -- which is to say
that the opponents of the American presence will continue to resent
it and those who have welcomed it will continue to welcome it.
But the vast middle range of Arab opinion belonging to those who
feared and respected Hussein without loving him will surely be
affected for the better. Insofar as Saddam and those who have
carried out the resistance to American occupation in his name have
controlled such people by intimidation, and prevented them from
co-operating with occupation forces, they are sure to find their
job harder as the awe which they have hitherto been able to count
on among ordinary Iraqis begins to dissipate. However much its
public voices may wish to take the Arab world's sense of
humiliation out on the Americans, Saddam's disgrace itself will
make that increasingly difficult. And if they can no longer resist
for his sake, for whose sake do they resist?
Professor Chirot would say in the name of Islam, since "religion
is seen by many of the most idealistic Arabs and Muslims as the
last, best hope." He has more contempt for the Bush administration,
seemingly, than for the cowardly Saddam, since he doubts, like the
Archbishop of Canterbury (see my Death Comes
to the Archbishop of October 27 this year), that it understands
the idealism of our enemies. "Some of those who oppose us," writes
the professor, "have a vision, too, no matter how grim it may
seem." Yet "our leaders" seem to regard them "as mere criminals or
psychopaths." Such a view, he says, "entirely misses the point" --
which might indeed be the case if anyone actually held it.
Instead, it is the professor who misses the point, just as the
archbishop before him did. The high ideals and "vision" of those
who are trying to kill us and to kill our soldiers are neither here
nor there for those they are trying to kill. Doubtless those ideals
are very beautiful. But so long as they are prepared, as Professor
Chirot says, "to inflict death and destruction in order to advance
their utopian dreams," we are bound to do all in our power to stop
them -- and to be skeptical of anyone naïve enough to suppose
that our being publicly sensitive to our enemies' motives will make
them in the slightest degree less willing to kill us because of
them. On the other hand, seeing their leader groveling and
humiliated might well have such an effect.
topics:
Religion, Islam, Iraq