As David Brooks noted last week, the Democrats are rapidly
falling into a minority mentality. The stridency, the lack of
realism, the bizarre oppositional stances (who ever thought the
Democrats would oppose drug prescriptions for Medicare!) — all
speak of a faction whose members becoming increasingly aware that
they are irrelevant.
Nowhere is this clearer than in last Sunday’s long-awaited
broadcast of The Reagans. True, the script wasn’t very
flattering — although it certainly wasn’t as bad as reported. And
true, the show’s recollections of the 1980s read like “Liberalism’s
Greatest Hits.” But why should Republicans want to censor this
melodrama? The three-hour script’s biases are so profound, so
transparent, they end up saying more about the authors than about
the subject.
In ways the show was engaging. First, James Brolin does a
wonderful Ronald Reagan. The physical resemblance is striking but
Brolin did even better with Reagan’s mannerisms. This guy can act
and deserves credit for much more than being Barbra Streisand’s
husband.
Judy Davis, on the other hand, proves that physical resemblance
means nothing if you’re not acting in good faith. Her hyperthyroid
Nancy Reagan bears almost no resemblance to the ex-President’s wife
— at least as she has emerged in public and various memoirs.
What the show completely fails to grasp is the world that Reagan
inhabited. Half of The Reagans is spent on scheming Nancy
(she is really the star of the show) and the other half portrays
the President being manipulated by his advisers. This is cartoon
reality. Everyone who ever encountered Reagan personally came
expecting a lightweight and ended up being awed by the gravity of
the man.
In How Ronald Reagan Changed My Life, former
speechwriter Peter Robinson tells of one confrontation between
Reagan and Arthur Burns, the god-like former chairman of the
Federal Reserve Board who had advised Republican Presidents since
Eisenhower. At a cabinet meeting, Burns — sitting at Reagan’s
right hand — made yet another attempt to suggest that the federal
budget be balanced by repealing the tax cuts of 1981. “Didn’t I say
I was going to relieve the American people of their tax burden?”
responded Reagan firmly. “Well. don’t ever mention this in my
presence again.”
Reagan was most at home in a man’s world. He could joke and
banter with the best yet never shed his dignity. He refused even to
take off his suit jacket in the Oval Office. (This is often
mentioned in contrast to Bill Clinton’s penchant for shedding other
portions in his wardrobe.) As Robinson reports, Reagan was the most
light-hearted yet the most serious man he ever encountered.
Ignoring all this, The Reagans proceeds to rework
history. What do you remember most about the Reagan years? “Mr.
Gorbachev, tear down this wall?” The “Nuclear Winter” crusades that
depicted Reagan as a warmonger? The “Walk in the Woods” at
Reykyavik (subject of a recent off-Broadway play), where Reagan
refused give up his anti-missile defense system but tried to
convince the Sovieit premier of the fundamental goodness of the
American people? The invasion of Grenada? The downing of KAL 007,
which convinced even many liberals that the Soviets and their
allies were evil?
None of these make the script. Instead, “The Reagans”
concentrates on the August 1981 downing of two Libyan jets after
they attacked American fighters in a dispute over Libyan air space.
The sole purpose is to recount how Reagan’s aides woke him in the
middle of the night and then let him go back to sleep. Another
subject treated lovingly is the President’s 1985 visit to Bitburg
Cemetery, where an intelligence foul-up left him speaking near the
graves of 20 SS soldiers.
On the other hand, the entire decade-long confrontation with the
Soviets is dismissed in one bizarre scene where an aide rushes into
the Oval Office and announces, “Mr. President, Premier Gorbachev
has agreed to meet with you to discuss disarmament! You’ve won the
Cold War!”
As always, the liberal centerpiece of the Reagan’s foreign
policy is Iran-Contra. Frankly, I’ve never been able to understand
all the fuss. American lives were at stake and Reagan quietly
allowed a deal to be done. Then Oliver North hijacked the profits
to jump-start the Contras after Congress — bowing to liberal
fantasies — decided to accept the Marxist Sandinista government.
(Pressure from the Contras eventually forced the Sandinistas to
hold elections, which they lost.)
Sure all this was embarrassing, but did it set off the tumult in
the Middle East? In the script an hysterical aide tells Reagan,
“Mr. President, you have destroyed this country’s foreign policy
and made us the laughing stock of the entire world.” Only liberals
would believe that.
Peter Schweizer’s Victory: The Reagan Administration’s
Secret Strategy That Hastened the Collapse of the Soviet
Union, tells how Reagan plotted the Soviet downfall from the
first day of his administration. Bill Casey, head of the CIA, was
dispatched all over the world to line up Arab, Israeli, and Eastern
European allies. We smuggled radio equipment into Poland to support
Solidarity (another no-show on The Reagans). We put the
squeeze on Europe to prevent construction of the Siberian gas
pipeline. We got surface-to-air missiles to the Mujahedin that
helped drive the Russians out of Afghanistan. (That’s one we might
partially regret.) All this — plus Star Wars — led to the Soviet
collapse.
Brushing history aside, The Reagans concentrates on the
soap opera of Nancy’s domineering ways and Ron’s ineffectual
bungling. The scriptwriters seem almost crestfallen that Ronald
Reagan, Jr.’s didn’t turn out to be gay. And of course there is
AIDS, which, next to Iran-Contra, seems to be the most important
event of Reagan’s eight years. The end credits announce that
890,000 people still have AIDS in America. Streisand, whose son has
AIDS, reportedly blames Ronald Reagan personally.
Any scientist will tell you that AIDS is now one of the most
heavily funded research topics on the planet. Yet somehow it is
never too late to go back and blame the whole thing on the Reagan
Administration.
Regarding cheap-shot efforts like The Reagans,
conservatives have nothing to fear. As Brian Anderson writes in the
latest issue of City Journal, “We’re Not Losing the
Culture Wars Anymore.”