By Lawrence Henry on 7.7.03 @ 12:03AM
On a Scalia of one to ten, David Broder rates a zero.
Years ago, I read the autobiography of James (Scotty) Reston,
the renowned Washington bureau chief and columnist of the New
York Times during the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. Somewhere about
the book's mid-point occurred a shift so sudden it shocked.
Proceeding directly from a dozen or so chapters about a nice,
unassuming sort of fellow with a justifiable pride in his golf
game, the story turned into the lordly recollections of a counselor
to Presidents and Secretaries of State.
Even back then, when I was a liberal Democrat, I wondered: Was
there something in the water coolers at the Times that
accounted for this abrupt Pentecostal self-anointing?
The book is old, so old Amazon doesn't even list it any more.
But the tendency to self-exaltation persists. On the Washington
Post's Sunday Outlook section for June 29, David Broder,
today's pretender to the Reston title, "Dean of the Washington
press corps," wrote a column that comprehensively stank. Of course,
most columnists cannot write. Their sentences do not sing, their
efforts evince no joy nor love of language, their prose plods like
a man on a treadmill. But this was worse. Broder could not even
think.
"The Scalia Model," he called his
column, or "piece," as we writers say. In it, Broder warned
President Bush not to nominate any candidates for the Supreme Court
like Justice Antonin Scalia. Scalia's dissent in the Michigan
affirmative action case was "sarcastic, dismissive, polemical and
smug." Scalia's rhetorical style, Broder concluded, "is not a model
Bush should seek to clone."
But let's read Broder in mid-column, summarizing views of which
he approves:
"(Justice Sandra Day) O'Connor's (majority) opinion readily
acknowledged that, as a general and vital principle, the
Constitution bars favoritism or discrimination based on race. Only
if there is a 'compelling state interest' can race be considered,
she said, and even then, its use must be minimal.
"The 'compelling interest' of the Michigan law school, she
found, lies in having 'a critical mass' of qualified minority
applicants in each class, so that all students can encounter the
widest variety of backgrounds, experiences and viewpoints as they
prepare for their careers in a world brimming with diversity."
One looks for any trace of argument here, any hint of what
Bertrand Russell said of Descartes's "I think, therefore I am" --
that it is "resoundingly proved." Forget it. This is bald
assertion, nothing more.
Any real reporter would have at least raised a brow at
"compelling state interest." That phrase should get to a Supreme
Court decision in only one fashion, via the government claiming it
in some way unconnected with the common defense or the national
currency, and the Court telling the government to go doodle in its
hat. "Critical mass" is meaningless gasbaggery. "Diversity," of
course, has no definition as used here. (That's the point.)
Against this blat of the rhetorical kazoo, Broder quotes
Scalia's clear trumpet tones sparingly and inaccurately. To wit,
"Just three days later, dissenting again from the decision
overturning the Texas anti-sodomy law, Scalia railed against 'the
so-called homosexual agenda.'" No, he didn't. He said that such an
agenda, or any other, could be legitimately pursued by legislative
means.
Broder objects, in short, to calling things what they are, a
curious position for a journalist. He is aghast that Scalia should
have asked, in oral argument, why the Michigan law school didn't
simply lower its admission standards if it wanted more minorities
in the student body. "Stunningly patronizing and insulting," huffs
Broder, ignoring the fact that Michigan does exactly that under
another name. Scalia's coruscating observation that "mutual
understanding and tolerance…(are) more appropriately learned
by 'people three feet shorter and 20 years younger than the
full-grown adults at the University of Michigan law school, in
institutions ranging from Boy Scout troops to public- school
kindergartens'" Broder dismisses as "ridiculous." Scalia's concern
for those applicants discriminated against in affirmative action
schemes elicits from Broder the non sequitur of a comparison to a
Jesse Helms campaign ad. This is known as the "booga-booga-booga"
technique in Washington journalism. Other names than Helms's may be
substituted, like that of Richard Nixon.
"Sarcastic, dismissive, polemical and smug" indeed. One wonders
what bothers Broder more, Scalia's opinions, or that the Justice
writes so much better than he does. Oliver Wendell Holmes, Mr.
Broder?
The next day, Andrew Sullivan
mentioned Broder's column approvingly. Ah, well. That is
another unclothed emperor for another time.
topics:
Constitution, Law, Supreme Court