The House is preparing to pass a slimmed-down version of the president's tax cut plan. Some pundits argue that the $550 billion tax bill is still too large. But various comparisons show that the tax cut is modest and its economic benefits substantial. The following Q&A puts the size of the House tax bill in perspective.
Q: Won't the tax cut blow a $550 billion hole
in the federal budget?
A: No, the $550 billion is cumulative over 11
years (2003-2013), averaging just $50 billion a year. It's like
Congress labeling your $600 child tax credit a $6,600 tax cut.
Q: But still, won't the tax cut cause problems
for the federal budget?
A: The tax cut is just 1.8 percent of $30 trillion
in cumulative federal taxes from 2003 to 2013, according to
Congressional Budget Office data. Surely, Congress can find budget
savings of 1.8 percent. After all, private industry improves
productivity by roughly 2 percent every year, on average.
Q: If the tax cut is so small, how will it help
the economy?
A: The tax cut is a tiny 0.35 percent of a
cumulative U.S. gross domestic product of $155 trillion from 2003
to 2013. The power of the tax plan is not its dollar size, but the
pro-growth incentives for workers, businesses, and savers. Rate
cuts and investment provisions in the House bill are "power
multipliers" for economic growth because they increase incentives
to expand production across the entire economy.
Q: Are today's Republicans trying to outdo
Ronald Reagan's tax cut?
A: The current House plan is a step forward. But
Reagan's tax cut in 1981 was 10 times larger. The 1981 cut saved
taxpayers $715 billion over five years, or 3.8 percent of GDP. The
House cut would save taxpayers just 0.35 percent of GDP over 11
years (0.8 percent over the first five years). Note that after
Reagan's cut, Congress increased taxes in 1982, 1984, 1986, 1990,
and 1993. The current tax bill would reduce the top rate to 35
percent, but that's still 7 points higher than the top rate of 28
percent in the late 1980s.
Q: Do we really need more tax cuts after Bush's
cut in 2001?
A: Even with Bush's cut in 2001, federal taxes as
a share of GDP will rise from 17.6 percent this year to 19.0
percent by 2010, according to CBO's baseline. Unless cut, taxes
automatically consume rising shares of income. That occurs because
income growth pushes people into higher tax brackets, and because
more families are paying the "alternative minimum tax," a punitive
add-on tax. Taxpayers need occasional tax cuts just to stay even
with the government.
Q: With concern about the deficit, do Bush and
Congress plan to cut spending?
A: Just the opposite. Bush proposes to increase
total federal spending by $102 billion in 2004, $125 billion in
2005, and similar amounts each year after. Whereas tax cuts are
historically rare, large spending increases occur every year. Thus,
even modest spending restraint creates large deficit
reductions.
Q: Won't dividend and capital gains tax cuts
create rising deficits?
A: The effect of the tax cuts on the deficit is
dwarfed by rising spending. Under Bush's budget, total annual
spending is expected to be $866 billion greater in 2010 than this
year. By contrast, the House dividend and capital gains tax cuts
will reduce revenues by just $31 billion annually by 2010. Thus,
spending increases will be 28 times larger by the end of the decade
than proposed investor tax cuts.
To sum up, the House tax cut plan has a small budget effect compared to spending increases. But the plan packs a punch for economic growth by reducing tax rates on workers and entrepreneurs, cutting business financing costs with the capital gains and dividend provisions, and spurring business investment with larger depreciation deductions. As a bonus, the dividend tax cut will improve corporate management and help quash continuing financial scandals. All that for just 1.8 percent of the government's huge budget is an investment that the country cannot afford to miss.