By The Prowler on 9.13.02 @ 12:05AM
Carolina Democrats divided. Also: Clinton's tortured legacy. Plus: First Bush veto faces veto.
TORTURED POLITICS
Former Clinton ambassador to the U.N. Security Council
Nancy Soderberg revealed more about the way her
administration did its job than anything about Iraq last night when
she appeared on Chris Matthews' "Hardball." In
discussing President Bush's Thursday speech to the U.N., she said
that his references to children being tortured by Saddam and
parents having to watch were obviously inserted into the speech
after a lot of "polling."
In fact, the Bush team did no polling in preparing his speech.
Whereas Clinton, for any major policy speech, would have at least
two polls prepared beforehand as well as have a focus group watch
the speech live. "Nobody did polling better than we did," said a
former Clinton Capitol Hill liaison. "There's no way Bush's people
could be doing what we were doing."
BLUE DEMOCRATS
A year ago, former Clinton White House chief of staff
Erskine Bowles wanted nothing to do with the North
Carolina race to fill the seat of retiring Sen. Jesse
Helms. Now he's the Democratic nominee, with all the
headaches and challenges that go along with it.
The biggest challenge is the lead in the polls that Republican
Elizabeth Dole has on him. But the bigger, more
immediate headache is former North Carolina Speaker of the House
Dan Blue, who challenged Bowles for the
nomination, and is a leader of the African-American community in
the state.
Everyone agrees that if Bowles is to have a shot at beating
Dole, he has to have the black community in his corner all the way.
But Blue, while losing graciously, has not come forward with a full
endorsement of Bowles. Instead, he's taking a wait-and-see,
let's-meet-and-discuss-things approach. Although there is little
doubt that Blue eventually will have to support Bowles's candidacy,
the former Clinton hand is going to have to do some work to get his
backing, according to North Carolina Democratic insiders.
"Blue was in a position more than a year ago for the nomination,
and Bowles kind of pushed him aside," says a Blue supporter in
Charlotte. "Blue would have had to work harder to win, so you can
see why the party would want a big-money type like Bowles. Still,
it rankles."
In all, eight Democrats sought the nomination. Bowles, Blue and
secretary of state Elaine Marshall were the
highest profile candidates. And while it wasn't an overly negative
Democratic primary, both Blue and Marshall attempted to paint
Bowles as a corporate shill, with little interest in the guy who
lives paycheck to paycheck. Bowles, though, buried his competition
with more than $2 million in media buys across the state.
In the end, it was Marshall who introduced Bowles at his victory
party. Blue was nowhere in view.
In Tuesday's primary Blue carried the county he represented
while in the statehouse, as well as more than a dozen other
counties heavily populated by African Americans, making it clear
his support will be needed by Bowles in the general election. "He
has to have Blue on board," says a Republican political consultant
doing work for Dole on Tobacco Road. "If the endorsement process
doesn't go smoothly, Bowles has an even harder time expanding on
his base. Blacks make up at least 30 percent of the Democratic vote
here."
It's unclear, though, what Bowles can offer Blue politically in
exchange for a strong endorsement. "The party is already trying to
figure out what can be done to make this relationship work. Blue
for a few days is holding all the cards," says the Blue supporter.
"But if he doesn't do something with them, he'll end up looking
like the bad guy in this thing, especially if the Democrats lose
their best shot at taking the other Senate seat."
VETO RELIEF
Democrats in the Senate have the Bush Administration over a barrel.
A water barrel, to be specific. On Tuesday a bipartisan majority in
the Senate, in a 76-19 vote, passed an emergency funding bill to
relieve drought-ravaged states. The $6 billion relief spending was
part of the 2003 Interior Department appropriations bill.
The spending, which the White House said it would veto, put
President Bush in an extremely tough position. Earlier this year,
Bush political staffers made much of his support for the farm
subsidy bill, expecting that it would bring Republicans candidates
in agricultural states added support. Most pointedly, Bush's
support was aimed at influencing hearts and minds in South Dakota,
home state of Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle,
and where Republican Rep. John Thune is running a
highly competitive race for the Senate seat held by Democrat
Tim Johnson.
"We looked so smart five months ago backing agriculture spending
and drought relief," says a Senate leadership staffer. "Now look
where we are. Spending billions more of Democratic pork and there
is nothing we can do about it."
That's where the over the barrel comes in. With such a strong
vote, it's clear the Senate could override a veto. And that what
frustrates many Republicans on Capitol Hill. "The president has
rarely used the power of veto to influence votes up here, and one
of the first times that he does, he gets it kicked back in his face
with a veto-proof majority vote. That's just embarrassing."
Some Republicans believe that had the Bush team made it clear it
would more readily use the veto earlier in the legislative season,
then Daschle and the Democrats might have shown a bit more
self-control in larding down the Interior appropriations bill. "The
White House has to flex some muscle up here, show Republicans they
won't back down from a fight. This appropriations bill was a
perfect example," says a Republican Senate leadership staffer. "But
to simply threaten a veto isn't enough. Now, after threatening a
veto on this one, we'll have to swallow hard and watch it signed
into law."
topics:
Law, Iraq, Africa