2.13.02 @ 12:01AM
Justice Scalia's remarks about the death penalty are consistent with the constructionist position that judges shouldn't legislate from the bench, but only uphold the law. Does this put him in opposition to the Catholic Church?
Speaking to a Georgetown audience last week, Justice Antonin
Scalia restated his view that any judge who believes the death
penalty is immoral should resign, rather than ignore duly enacted
laws. Then he offered a challenge not only to judges but also to
the Vatican, "No authority that I know of denies the 2000-year old
tradition of the Church approving capital punishment, I don't see
why there's been a change."
Scalia is a devout Roman Catholic, the father of nine children
one of whom is a priest. After doing much soul-searching on the
death penalty he finds he isn't opposed to it.
His remarks are consistent with the constructionist position
that judges shouldn't legislate from the bench, but only uphold the
law.
Does this view put Scalia in opposition to the Catholic
Church?
Not necessarily.
Catholic teaching on the death penalty is not the same as it is
for abortion or euthanasia. "The Church does not exclude recourse
to the death penalty, if this is the only possible way of
effectively defending human lives against the unjust aggressor,"
explains Father C. John McCloskey of the Catholic Information
Center in Washington, D.C.
The most recent teaching on the death penalty is found in Pope
John Paul II's 1995 encyclical on Human Life, "Evangelium Vitae,"
in which he develops a "seamless garment" argument in condemning
abortion, euthanasia, genocide, torture, slavery, prostitution, and
any practice that degrades, debases, or poses a threat to human
life. The death penalty is included with a caveat.
Says Father McCloskey, "If to the mind of a Catholic judge or
lawyer, there is no recourse but to impose or seek the penalty, the
teaching says there are possibilities, though rare, in which the
death penalty can be applied."
"Judges should do their best to obey the law as it comes to them
through the legislative or executive branch," says Father
McCloskey. "A judge is sworn to uphold the Constitution to the best
of his ability. But it's silly for a Catholic to say, 'it's in the
Constitution, it must be right.' Slavery was also in the
Constitution."
Then, by this reasoning, should a Catholic judge refuse to take
abortion cases since the law of the land is pro-choice?
It depends. A judge, who has no choice in the cases that come
before him has an obligation to administer the law, even when it is
devoid of constitutional merit, such as Roe v. Wade.
If he cannot administer the law because he believes it makes him
a party to an immoral act, he can recuse himself. But he is not
considered an accessory to an abortion in every single case, such
as ruling on the issue of parental consent, the most common
abortion cases in the courts today.
As a judicial constructionist, Justice Scalia is right to oppose
the infamous ruling. He is also right to overturn it, and hand the
issue back to the state legislatures, should that opportunity ever
present itself, simply on constitutional (not religious)
grounds.
It just so happens that Scalia's pro-life views as a Catholic
are in keeping with his constructionist reading of the Constitution
that fails to see any allowance for a "right to an abortion" in the
privacy clause of the Fourth Amendment. As judicial
constructionists argue, Roe v. Wade demonstrates the danger in
using one's power as a judge or Supreme Court justice to write,
rather than administer, law; a function that is to be left to the
state legislatures.
No doubt Scalia's comments will come back to haunt him should he
be nominated as Chief Justice. But his understanding is sound.
Scalia has developed his own seamless argument.
Judges should not legislate from the bench. Abortion was made
legal by judicial fiat, which overturned state laws. To oppose Roe
v. Wade as a Supreme Court Justice, one need not be pro-life,
simply honest about the limitations of the federal bench.
Judges should not use their position to sabotage the law. The
death penalty is available in 37 states, where it has been voted
upon by the residents of those states and enacted by the
legislatures.
Scalia's remarks on the death penalty bolster his
constructionist view. The Pope's moral teachings on the death
penalty tighten the "seamless garment" that human life must be
treated with dignity, while not excluding recourse to the death
penalty in certain cases.
In both instances, Scalia the constructionalist, and the Pope,
leader of all Catholics, have rendered seamless arguments that make
Roe v. Wade much harder to defend.
Eileen Ciesla is the 2001-2002 Warren Brookes
journalism fellow at the Competitive Enterprise
Institute.
topics:
Abortion, Constitution, Law, Supreme Court